Anwar was part of the business-political construct which developed during Mahathir’s time. He may have spoken like a liberal but the fact that he remained finance minister and deputy minister for 7 years shows that he more than supported the status quo. He was also at the buffet table!
Although Anwar was named Euromoney finance minister of the year and appointed as chair of the World Bank and IMF development committee, he fell abruptly from power when Mahathir sacked Anwar from all government and party positions in September 1998.
If we believe what Anwar has been saying in international forums of late, Anwar is proposing a new paradigm, incorporating balanced equity, need rather than race, with strong ideals behind governance. Anwar, has been espousing a multicultural Malaysia, with for want of a better description a secular-Islamic ethical moral platform, supporting economic, social and political governance. Anwar often talks about an inclusive, rules-based competition centred economy, where there is a safety net for those in need.
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Under Anwar, would we really witness the dismantling of the institutions that support crony-capitalism we see today? This is something the establishment resists and fears, and would not be allowed to happen. It’s hard to see Anwar moving seriously in this direction. Anwar wouldn’t go head-on with the Malay-polity, who sees his vision as a grave threat, and is mistrusted within the Malay-heartlands, where there is fear of being left behind and marginalized. It’s just not a possibility in the nature of the establishment of Malaysia today. Other than talk Anwar has not shown any commitment to dismantling anything in the way of reform.
The reality of this espousal of Islam will be at the expense of a modern Malaysian state and the rights and freedoms that come with a progressive society. Too much in the past, Anwar has erred on keeping the status-quo. All Malaysian leaders have used Islam to further their political ambitions.
Anwar must also play to the urban middle-class, who are struggling to support their families and middle-class lifestyles, with popular policies like abolishing the GST and maintaining petrol subsidies.
Anwar’s education has given him the ability to explain the concepts he wants to put across in paradigms that suit his audiences. When Anwar is talking within academic circles or to the international news media, he will draw analogies from the western philosophers. When Anwar is on the hustings in the kampong, he will refer to verses of the Quran, to put his views across. As Anwar has said, “I will speak to my audiences in language they will understand.”
Anwar is criticized by many Malays as being too liberal, conjuring up the persona that Anwar is disloyal to the Malay agenda, and may in the future support causes like LGBT. Setting up Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), and Anwar’s close relationship with the primarily Chinese based Democratic Action Party (DAP), is seen as support of that. Anwar is the only Malay leader who professes multiculturalism and inclusiveness. But at the same time, he is quite prepared to defend Malay dominance. Anwar had the opportunity in East Malaysia for a game changing scenario on Malaysia politics and socio-economy, which did not materialize.
To understand Anwar, one must look at those he seeks council from and listens to. Anwar is surrounded with long time co-activists, such as Tian Chua, a labour activist, one of the Reformasi pioneers, former member of Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), and one time MP, and Sivarasa A/I Rasiah, an activist, intellectual and deputy minister in the short lived Pakatan Harapan government. Anwar’s political secretary, Farhash Wafa Salvador, is a controversial activist, said to be totally loyal to Anwar. Anwar is said to also value the advice of his daughter Nurul Izzah Anwar.
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The setting up and early development of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) had strong input and financial support from the charismatic multi-millionaire businessman John Soh Chee Wen, who is currently undergoing trial over the penny stock crash of 2013, in Singapore. However, like many close confidents, this relationship deteriorated around 2010.
Anwar’s latest alliance with long-time colleague Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and the UMNO “court cluster” to oust Muhyiddin from the prime ministership, must come at a high price.
Anwar’s greatest strength is bringing people together. Anwar put together the Pakatan Rakyat, the forerunner to the Pakatan Harapan coalition, where PAS and the DAP for a short while worked together.