From the comfort of their plush offices and five to six-figure
salaries, self-appointed NGOs often denounce child labor as their
employees rush from one five-star hotel to another, $3000 subnotebooks and
PDAs in hand. The hairsplitting distinction made by the ILO between
"child work" and "child labor" conveniently targets
impoverished countries while letting its budget contributors – the
developed ones – off the hook.
Reports regarding child labor surface periodically. Children crawling
in mines, faces ashen, body deformed. The agile fingers of famished
infants weaving soccer balls for their more privileged counterparts in the
USA. Tiny figures huddled in sweatshops, toiling in unspeakable
conditions. It is all heart-rending and it gave rise to a veritable
not-so-cottage industry of activists, commentators, legal eagles,
scholars, and opportunistically sympathetic politicians.
Ask the denizens of Thailand, sub-Saharan Africa, Brazil, or Morocco
and they will tell you how they regard this altruistic hyperactivity –
with suspicion and resentment. Underneath the compelling arguments lurk an
agenda of trade protectionism, they wholeheartedly believe. Stringent –
and expensive – labor and environmental provisions in international
treaties may well be a ploy to fend off imports based on cheap labor and
the competition they wreak on well-ensconced domestic industries and their
political stooges.
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This is especially galling since the sanctimonious West has amassed its
wealth on the broken backs of slaves and kids. The 1900 census in the USA
found that 18 per cent of all children – almost 2 million in all –
were gainfully employed. The Supreme Court ruled laws banning child labor
were unconstitutional as late as 1916. This decision was overturned only
in 1941.
The GAO published a report recently in which it criticized the Labor
Department for paying insufficient attention to working conditions in
manufacturing and mining in the USA, where many children are still
employed. The Bureau of Labor Statistics pegs the number of working
children between the ages of 15-17 in the USA at 3.7 million. One in 16 of
these worked in factories and construction. More than 600 teens died of
work-related accidents in the past ten years.
Child labor – let alone child prostitution, child soldiers, and child
slavery – is a phenomenon best avoided. But these cannot and should not
be tackled in isolation. Nor should underage labor be subjected to blanket
castigation. Working in the gold mines or fisheries of the Philippines is
hardly comparable to waiting on tables in a Nigerian or, for that matter,
American restaurant.
There are gradations and hues of child labor. That children should not
be exposed to hazardous conditions, long working hours, used as means of
payment, physically punished, or serve as sex slaves is commonly agreed.
That they should not help their parents to plant and harvest may be more
debatable.
As Miriam Wasserman observes in "Eliminating Child Labor",
published in the Federal Bank of Boston's "Regional Review",
second quarter of 2000, it depends on "family income, education
policy, production technologies, and cultural norms." About a quarter
of children under the age of 14 throughout the world are regular workers.
This statistic masks vast disparities between regions like Africa (42 per
cent) and Latin America (17 per cent).
In many impoverished locales, child labor is all that stands between
the family unit and all-pervasive, life threatening, destitution. Child
labor declines markedly as income per capita grows. To deprive these
bread-winners of the opportunity to lift themselves and their families
incrementally above malnutrition, disease, and famine – is an apex of
immoral hypocrisy.
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Quoted by The Economist,
a representative of the much-decried Ecuador Banana Growers Association
and Ecuador's Labor Minister, summed up the dilemma neatly: "Just
because they are under age doesn't mean we should reject them, they have a
right to survive. You can't just say they can't work, you have to provide
alternatives."
Regrettably, the debate is so laden with emotions and self-serving
arguments that the facts are often overlooked.
The outcry against soccer balls stitched by children in Pakistan led to
the relocation of workshops ran by Nike and Reebok. Thousands lost their
jobs, including countless women and 7000 of their progeny. The average
family income – already meagre – fell by 20 per cent. Economists
Drusilla Brown, Alan Deardorif, and Robert Stern observe wryly:
"While Baden Sports can quite credibly claim that their soccer
balls are not sewn by children, the relocation of their production
facility undoubtedly did nothing for their former child workers and their
families."
Such examples abound. Manufacturers – fearing legal reprisals and
"reputation risks" (naming-and-shaming by overzealous NGO's) –
engage in preemptive sacking. German garment workshops fired 50,000
children in Bangladesh in 1993 in anticipation of the American
never-legislated Child Labor Deterrence Act.
Quoted by Wasserstein, former Secretary of Labor, Robert Reich, notes:
"Stopping child labor without doing anything else could leave
children worse off. If they are working out of necessity, as most are,
stopping them could force them into prostitution or other employment with
greater personal dangers. The most important thing is that they be in
school and receive the education to help them leave poverty."
Contrary to the hype, three quarters of all children work in
agriculture and with their families. Less than 1 percent work in mining
and another 2 percent in construction. Most of the rest work in retail
outlets and services, including "personal services" – a
euphemism for prostitution. UNICEF and the ILO are in the throes of
establishing school networks for child laborers and providing their
parents with alternative employment.
But this is a drop in the sea of neglect. Poor countries rarely proffer
education on a regular basis to more than two thirds of their eligible
school-age children. This is especially true in rural areas where child
labor is a widespread blight. Education – especially for women – is
considered an unaffordable luxury by many hard-pressed parents. In many
cultures, work is still considered to be indispensable in shaping the
child's morality and strength of character and in teaching him or her a
trade.
The Economist
elaborates:
"In Africa children are generally treated as mini-adults; from
an early age every child will have tasks to perform in the home, such as
sweeping or fetching water. It is also common to see children working in
shops or on the streets. Poor families will often send a child to a richer
relation as a housemaid or houseboy, in the hope that he will get an
education."
A solution recently gaining steam is to provide families in poor
countries with access to loans secured by the future earnings of their
educated offspring. The idea, first proposed by Jean-Marie Baland of the
University of Namur and James A. Robinson of the University of California
at Berkeley, has now permeated the mainstream.
Even the World Bank has contributed a few studies, notably in June
"Child Labor: The Role of Income Variability and Access to Credit
Across Countries" authored by Rajeev Dehejia of the NBER and
Roberta Gatti of the Bank's Development Research Group.
Abusive child labor is abhorrent and should be banned and eradicated.
All other forms should be phased out gradually. Developing countries
already produce millions of unemployable graduates a year – 100,000 in
Morocco alone. Unemployment is rife and reaches, in certain countries –
such as Macedonia – more than one third of the workforce. Children at
work may be harshly treated by their supervisors but at least they are
kept off the far more menacing streets. Some kids even end up with a skill
and are rendered employable.