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America and the world into a new era - Part III

By Klaus Naumann - posted Tuesday, 16 September 2008


Nevertheless, too many in Europe believe that one can cope with the dangerous world of the 21st century by applying the traditional legal instruments to protect a state’s citizens. The US understands that new solutions are needed. But its initial steps suggested to the outside world that protection of American citizens took priority over customary international law. Consequently, two approaches have emerged from the transatlantic community: the legalistic approach and the protection-at-all-cost approach.

The first approach has two ways of legalising the use of force by a state against external threats - self-defence and a UN Security Council resolution. While the proponents of the legalistic approach are right in principle, the question remains what to do if the UN Security Council cannot fulfil its duty, even though an overwhelming majority regards the use of force as legitimate. We saw these cases in the past, for example, Kosovo in 1999, and we’ll see them again in the future.

A strictly legalistic approach is therefore no longer appropriate. But to act with little or no respect for international law is no answer either since it ruins the credibility of the West’s most powerful instrument: we stand for the rule of law and respect for human rights.

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But the challenges faced collectively are too big, the reality too compelling, that we can afford being split by perceptions. There’s but one way to respond, namely by standing together. Anything else signals that the West lacks the resolve to protect its way of life, values and convictions.

But there is also a substantial gap in military capabilities between the Europeans and the Americans. Information dominance matters today, but the Europeans spend far too much money on legacy forces and personnel: Europe’s defence spending amounts to 60 per cent of US defence spending, but Europe produces little more than 10 per cent of US power projection capabilities. The prospects of redressing such imbalances is bleak since adverse demographic development will impact defence spending. Europe confronts a shrinking and aging population.

Moreover, the US will remain the leader in high-tech systems integration and exploring new domains such as nano-technology and bionics. However, whether the US will enjoy advantages in the emerging domain of cyber operations remains to be seen. The Chinese seem to have taken the lead in this domain and work on acquiring a capability to paralyse a country without using any destructive power. Such areas deserve more attention. The potential exists to simply switch off the most powerful military capabilities, in addition to paralysing any society.

Another capability that matters, possibly more than any other, is the political will to take unpopular decisions. Obviously, this is easier for a US or French president than it is for a German chancellor or other European heads of government who must form coalition governments, inadequate for responding to the security challenges of today.

Turning public opinion around on controversial issues such as deploying forces in combat operations or on using all instruments of politics and tools in fighting terrorism is a demanding battle for politicians. Moreover, the historically well-founded desire of never again giving too much power to a centralized government produces additional impediments in quite a few countries.

In conclusion, the West is in serious crisis, and Europeans lack what’s needed most at the dawn of a new administration in Washington: European unity and the resolve to find with its US allies common approaches that coordinate all instruments of politics.

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There’s urgent necessity to begin any process of shaping a new transatlantic relationship by sincerely discussing what divides Europe and the US and what keeps us together - a step not taken since the uniting pressure during the Cold War withered away.

Such a crisis of transatlantic relations is nothing new for NATO nations. Political leaders should take advantage of it and lay new foundations by moving to the bold vision of an alliance comprised of more than military precautions, prepared to use all instruments of politics in a comprehensive way, one that convinces citizens that preserving peace and protecting values and convictions are well worth the sacrifices.

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Reprinted with permission from YaleGlobal Online - www.yaleglobal.yale.edu-(c) 2008 Yale Center for the Study of Globalization.



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About the Author

Klaus Naumann is a German Army four-star general who served as NATO’s highest ranking military officer during the Kosovo Air Campaign. He retired as chairman of the NATO Military Committee in May 1999.

Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

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