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Dr Brendan Nelson's university policy prescription: panacea, placebo or poison? Day 2

By Andrew Norton and Carolyn Allport - posted Thursday, 25 September 2003


Havachats are week-long email dialogues between two prominent advocates on an issue of the day. To vote on the issue and make your view count, click here.

Day 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 .

Andrew goes first. Carolyn responds.

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From: Andrew Norton
To: Carolyn Allport
Sent: Thursday, September 25, 2003 9:57 AM
Subject: Put students in control

Dear Carolyn,

You are worried about universities shifting to a more "market based identity". I think you see that as being inconsistent with universities being "educational institutions first and foremost", whereas I see a move towards the market as essential to universities being able to pursue their educational missions more effectively than they do now, or indeed they have ever done (there may once have been a golden age for staff, but there has never been one for students).

Because most players in markets are there to make money, we tend to think that that is the sole purpose of markets. But the distinctive aspect of markets as institutions is not their capacity to produce wealth, but the way they do it, through voluntary exchange. What markets mean in the university context is not, then, that universities would become dedicated to making money, but that they would reflect much less the policy and financial constraints imposed from Canberra, and far more the consensus of what universities were prepared to offer and students to learn.

Giving student preferences more scope doesn't mean, as many fear, that universities would turn into purely vocational institutions. Research on student preferences shows that intrinsic value considerations, such as interest in the field of knowledge, opportunities for using personal talents and abilities, and for interesting and rewarding careers were at least twice as influential in discipline choice than employment rates, prestige or starting salaries. This leaves plenty of room for disciplines other than those with clear career paths. Even during the IT boom, more people applied for both the humanities and social sciences and the visual and performing arts than IT courses.

The difference under a more market-oriented system is that extra money could be put into all courses, vocational and non-vocational, and universities would have enhanced incentives to make sure the quality was good. On the whole, this kind of university would do a better job of educating students and preparing them for the professions. Who knows, they might, like some American universities, actually become interested in developing their students as people, encouraging student-staff interaction, campus life, and voluntary work.

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I think the great tension in your view is that you want university autonomy, but endorse the biggest threat to that, which is reliance on a dominant funding source, the Commonwealth. History gives us no reason to believe that the Commonwealth will exercise its power well, and last week's legislation was another painful lesson in the dangers of dependence.800,000 students, each with their own relatively small sums of money, would be much more benign masters than the Department of Education, Science and Training.

(I have an idea - let's go for the Commonwealth's weak point, the dubious constitutional validity of current and proposed legislation, and force them to pay their higher education funding through students, as 'benefits to students' as the Constitution says, and not benefits to universities, as they actually do and propose to keep doing. But your union has always condemned this as 'vouchers'.)

Student-centred finance, with universities setting fees, is consistent with your more public money position. The difference is that public spending would be sent through the students, rather than given to universities directly. But it does mean that if the Commonwealth doesn't give students high enough subsidies they have a choice to pay more to maintain or improve quality. At the moment, that choice doesn't exist, and everybody must put up with what nobody wants? declining student-staff ratios and all the other signs of funding constraint.

I promise I'll get to the issue of the consequences of student debt tomorrow. But I wanted to spend more time on the reasons for it (or the consequences of not having it); why I think the power to charge students directly is so important. It's not because I want students to pay more as such. I don't see this primarily as an income distribution issue, and don't believe the working classes are subsidising middle class university students (as the taxation and expenditure statistics show, most taxpayers don't pay for all the services and benefits they receive, let alone someone else's university education.) I see it very much as an educational issue.

Regards Andrew

(By the way, I did not say that university councils, student unions, and your bargaining approach were worthy of bureaucratic interference. They are not. I was merely making the point that I could at least see a problem; by contrast I didn't see why the Commonwealth felt a sudden urge to fund courses selectively, dictate student selection principles, or create guidelines for so-called "fee exempt" scholarships. But the solution to these problems won't come from Canberra, as my next paragraph went on to say.)

Regards,
Andrew

From: Carolyn Allport
To: Andrew Norton
Sent: Thursday, September 25, 2003 3:00 PM
Subject: Re: Put students in control

Dear Andrew,

I do not imagine our readers are particularly interested in an old debate around whether introducing vouchers is good or bad policy. And, we will probably continue to disagree around those issues. What is at issue here are a number of changes brought forward by the Government - changes that affect staff and students, as well as the community as a whole. The Government's package is in response to widespread acceptance by universities, staff, students, business leaders and community opinion that something was wrong with our universities. Generally speaking all these voices said that 'the something' was inadequate funding. The real question is whether the remedies proposed by Dr Nelson will take our universities forward in a productive and inclusive way over the next decade.

I understand that you see students as the principal actors in the higher education market, and naturally support policies and actions that provide them, as "consumers" with the greatest degree of choice. Having studied economics myself, I also understand that the notion of perfect competition requires consumer sovereignty. However, it is not only the student who benefits from higher education outcomes. And, of course, education has never been capable of being defined as a perfectly competitive market, precisely because the student is not the only 'consumer' of the service of higher education. Industry benefits through increased productivity from higher skill levels, including critical thinking and analytical and research capacities. Government benefits from higher taxes paid through the increased earnings of graduates, and our communities benefit because of the wider impacts of research undertaken at universities. Universities are also usually the largest employer in many of our regional centers. So, from a strictly 'imperfect market' point of view, we need to assess the package within this wider context.

The core element of the package relates to the new funding system. The proposal is for Government to simply provide a subsidy for each student, with subsidies varying according to discipline. Additional income for universities will come from fees set by each institution. This is very different from current practice where Government provides funding based on an average amount per student that is assumed to include some HECS money. This amount has been falling for over a decade. HECS fees for undergraduate students are currently set in legislation, with post postgraduate course work and international students paying fees. This policy mix is supported by loans schemes, and the package does introduce new loans schemes. In addition, the new policies propose to double the number of full-fee places. The trend is clear - less government places in the future and more full fee places. Is this the right approach to expanding participation for the future?

The AVCC has set a target of 60% participation by 2020. My fear is that the higher costs, and the lack of an appropriate level of subsidized places may mean that we don't reach this benchmark. The key to this conundrum is to balance the high costs of studying with compensatory equity programs. Interest free loans schemes and income repayment thresholds are examples. Full scholarships are often the common choice. Unfortunately in this package, what equity schemes are there are only partial, and the threshold remains quite low. There was a justification under the original HECS scheme that students did not have to pay back their HECS until they earned above average earnings (a proxy for private benefit).

Finally there remains skepticism in many universities around the country that they will benefit from the package. The dependence on ability to set "market prices" for fees does privilege larger, older and metropolitan institutions. Tomorrow I would like to discuss aspects of the package that impact on staff, particularly workplace relations.

Regards,
Carolyn

Day 1 . 2 . 3 . 4 .

  1. Pages:
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About the Authors

Andrew Norton is a research fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies and Director of the CIS' Liberalising Learning research programme.

Carolyn Allport is National President of the National Tertiary Education Union.

Other articles by these Authors

All articles by Andrew Norton
All articles by Carolyn Allport
Related Links
Centre for Independent Studies
National Tertiary Education Union
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