No wonder that the proportion of the GDP represented by all levels of government rose during those three decades from 30 to 40 per cent.
Of course, the highwater mark of elite influence came with the Keating government. But while the true believers clung to the creed that the commanding heights of the economy should remain in public ownership, the crown jewels had already been knocked down to the highest bidder.
Yet the government still proved itself incapable of living within its means. Interest rates spiralled out of control and unemployment soared. Then we had the
recession we had to have. The allegiance of those battlers who traditionally voted Labor was no longer so assured.
Advertisement
Paul Keating sought to seduce them back with an unashamedly "big picture" agenda - a centralised politicians' republic, a new flag, reconciliation with native title and separate development, an engagement with Asia that downplayed our traditional relationships. In the meantime, it became increasingly difficult to defend our traditional beliefs and institutions, much more than say in the US, UK or Canada.
De Tocqueville saw a similar phenomenon at work in 18th-century revolutionary France - how a fear of being alone in clinging to "old-fashioned" views
could be stronger than the fear of being wrong, leading to a spiral of silence. Fortunately, voting is secret in Australia, but the elites never did accept the
legitimacy of the Howard victories - four, with the referendum landslide. They demonstrate this in their constant and puerile reference not to the Prime Minister,
but to this Prime Minister - this being code for illegitimate and ephemeral - and in their transparent attempts to delegitimise each victory. But - from his
refusal to say sorry, to his decision to help free the people of East Timor over the advice of the Jakarta lobby, to border control - Howard has spoken not only
for, but with the mainstream.
The danger for Australia is that this apparent twilight of our elites may prove to be only an eclipse, and that they may engineer a return to their essentially surreptitious guardianship of our great nation. De Tocqueville's warning to the democracies remains relevant: "I have no fear that they will meet with tyrants as their rulers, but rather with guardians."
Discuss in our Forums
See what other readers are saying about this article!
Click here to read & post comments.
About the Author
David Flint is a former chairman of the Australian Press Council and the Australian Broadcasting Authority, is author of The Twilight of the Elites, and Malice in Media Land, published by Freedom Publishing. His latest monograph is Her Majesty at 80: Impeccable Service in an Indispensable Office, Australians for Constitutional Monarchy, Sydney, 2006