It is ironic that prominent among those
clamouring for the Governor-General to
go are precisely those who want to abolish
the office. They either want a head of
state who is a mere functionary who, alone
among those in the civilised world, the
Prime Minister would find easier to sack
than his cook. Or else they want another
politician.
Then there are those who find this a
convenient distraction, as well as those
who sniff that this is a way of getting
at the Prime Minister.
The most reprehensible are those who
are guilty of the worst case of double
standards in recent times. Bill D'Arcy,
a former Queensland MP, was found guilty
of 18 charges of abuse, including rape,
of children of both sexes and as young
as six. These occurred when he was their
teacher in a government school. One victim
said she was abused in the classroom.
The Queensland government has consistently
denied liability, so far defending two
cases all the way to the High Court. And
this was not 10 years ago: the decisions
were handed down this year ... 2003!
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Moreover, legislation has not been introduced
to sequester D'Arcy's generous superannuation
for the benefit of his victims ... apparently
legal advice is that, without this, it
cannot be touched.
In all this it is assumed the Queensland
government has followed legal advice.
Yet the Queensland government is, thanks
to its taxpayers, substantially richer
than the Anglican Church which is settling
claims against it.
For this reason, we can be sure there
will be no move by the Queensland government
to appoint a Royal Commission whose terms
of reference include its own schools!
The point is that in contrast to Dr Hollingworth,
who committed one error of judgment, no-one
is calling for the Queensland government
to stand down. No-one seems to be arguing
for the interests of D'Arcy's victims.
No-one is saying that the ministers should
be examining their consciences. Why?
If the real reason for the campaign is
to counter the terrible crime of child
abuse - and it is despicable - there
would surely be some consistency in the
choice of the targets in this campaign.
There would not be this rush to make any
allegation, however baseless, however
exaggerated, or however irrelevant, constantly
raised.
The answer is that the campaign is obviously
tainted. In fact, those who are really
after the PM gave their game away when
the appointment was made.
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Good choice, they said, appreciating
those long years when he spoke for the
disadvantaged. But, they chimed in unison,
you should not do it. He's a clergyman.
That they had never raised this supposed
constitutional objection when not one
but three such appointments were made,
nor when Sir Paul Reeves was appointed
New Zealand Governor-General, indicates
that they were desperate for a reason
to find fault with the appointment. No
matter whom John Howard had recommended,
his choice would have been attacked. What,
I wonder, would they have thought of Gough
Whitlam's toying with appointing Cardinal
Sir Norman Gilroy?
The point is that the position of the
Governor-General is essentially constitutional.
The ceremonial function is important,
although I do have difficulty with the
proposition that the Governor-General
"interprets the nation to itself''.
Because the executive and legislative
powers are so intermingled in the Westminster
system, there needs to be a first line
of defence against the abuse of that concentration
of power.
There is a need for a constitutional
referee above politics but also an auditor
of the decisions of ministers and the
Cabinet which need to be given legal effect
in the day-to-day process of government.
The people of Canberra may appreciate
this more than most. The financial excesses
of the Carnell government in relation
to the Bruce Stadium would not have occurred
if the constitutional system forced on
them by the Hawke government had properly
respected the essence of the Westminster
system.
A reasonably diligent administrator or
governor would have sent that one back.
And if the Carnell government had persisted
it would have faced the fate of the Lang
and Whitlam governments.
The ACT obviously needs an administrator
... not to open fetes, but as a significant
constitutional check and balance. To reiterate,
a vice-regal representative's role is
essentially constitutional. The Governor-General
has to have the strength and will to do
his duty. That is the test for holding
this high office. That is why a Senate
resolution should be of no concern, and
that is why a hundred frothing editorials
should not sway him.
Nor should he be concerned if, say, the
Royal Bob-Tailed Cat Society, deigns to
dispense with his patronage, no matter
how much attention the president and office
bearers receive in an unduly excited media,
nor how much adulation they then receive
from the bien pensants.
In these cases he could do no worse than
recall the screams of outrage from the
bourgeoisie when Bill McKell and later
Bill Hayden were elevated to vice-regal
status. Had they not working-class origins,
and would not know how to behave? Worse,
were they not until then politicians:
Labor politicians? The then Leaders of
the Opposition denounced the appointment.
But both transformed themselves into
what that great constitutional lawyer,
Pat Lane, once called local constitutional
monarchs. They rose above politics. They
did their duty. They behaved impeccably.
So does this Governor-General. One error
of judgment in a lifetime of service is
no barrier whatsoever to his continuing.
It only shows that he is human and imperfect.
As we all are. And as it was once said:
Let him who is without sin cast the first
stone.