The recent revelations from the DOGE USAID expose highlights potential undue US influence on Australian political leaders and leading defence establishment officials.
Over the last decades, much has been said about Chinese CCP influence upon Australian politicians and government officials. However, ever since the days when Marshal Green served as US Ambassador to Canberra between 1973-75, any talk about undue US influence upon the Australian government has been put into the 'fringe conspiracy theory' category.
The recent revelations by the US Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), led by Elon Musk have alluded to massive clandestine activities by USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) that sort US influence (if not control) over other nations' policies. This includes Australia. Past US administrations have pushed their preferred policy frameworks on their allies. The closeness of US and Australian policy positions needs a re-examination to understand the nature of any potential influence, and if it was a detriment to Australia's best interests.
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In addition, the closeness of US and Australian propaganda 'fountains' that became exposed after the Covid-19 pandemic indicate just how much Australia is influenced by US propaganda and influence peddling programs. Much of what was spewed out through the legacy media has now been found to be totally un-factual.
The national leaders who followed the Covid propaganda lines are the same people who are responsible for Australia's defence policy.
Australian defence policy
Australia's defence policy has been staunchly pro-American since the Second World War. Australia saw the US as a friend in the wilderness, in an unfriendly part of what is termed as the Indo-Pacific, near countries that could 'tip' towards communism very easily. The 'domino theory' hypothesis supported Australian defence policy for those post WWII decades.
Australia unquestionably followed the United States to Korea, Vietnam, and after 911 when the 'war on terror' paradigm replaced the 'domino theory' to Iraq and Afghanistan. Former prime minister John Howard saw himself as the deputy sheriff of the US at the bottom of south-east Asia.
Australia also stood steadfast with the United States on the containment of China, even though China was Australia's largest trading partner. Australia sort to get even closer to the United States by stationing US troops in northern Australia, as a useless gesture of solidarity. Australia joined the QUAD along with India, Japan and Korea, and enthusiastically embraced AUKUS with Britain and the US, to complement the China containment strategy, under the Morrison government.
Obtaining four nuclear powered submarines was considered a masterpiece strategy to protect Australia from imaginary threats a decade or more in the future. Australia under Labor prime minister Anthony Albanese also supported Ukraine in an unnecessary war with Russia with a complex history behind it. Peter Dutton, now opposition leader and the former defence minister under the Morrison government holds exactly the same position.
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Both sides of Australian politics and the Australian defence establishment fully support US policy of containment, even with strong and powerful arguments about other potential risks and threats that are totally ignored. Such threats, if recognized would build the basis of a defence policy that would look substantially different to what Australia has now.
Why Australian defence policy has not changed with the times is a valid question that is entitled to be asked.
Changing factors
South-east Asia, ASEAN, and the Indo-Pacific region are all undergoing rapid changes. Indeed, things are beginning to happen so quickly, they really haven't been noticed in Canberra.
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