In his third phase, from the mid-2010s, "identity groups, not class" are the battleground. The "cultural socialist" blueprint seeks utopian equality along lines of "race, gender, and sexuality", rather than "class or wealth".
Woke then, for Kaufmann, is the "sacralisation of historically disadvantaged race, gender, and sexual identity groups".
A culture of victimhood not resilience, seeking equal outcomes (not opportunities) for disadvantaged groups, protecting them from "emotional harm". In the USA, the corporate mantra is Diversity-Equity-Inclusion, or DEI.
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Kaufmann isn't denying societal gains, from successive left-liberal cultural offensives. Yet, woke now threatens "excellence, freedom, and community".
He seeks a "missing optimum" in between the unhappy pre-1965 condition and an overwrought present situation.
Dialling back on "equity, diversity and harm protection". Retreating from "national shame" and "white sin".
Woke across wealthy nations
Across the Anglosphere, wokeness tends to excise mass migration "from democratic debate". Donald Trumpis an exception, though even he has wobbled.
In Taboo, woke isn't necessarily propelled by government direct, but "mediating institutions" such as "universities, tech firms, or government agencies".
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The woke "left" swamps the right, in academia and media, though that "doesn't reflect" wider society.
In Australia too, voters don't wantmass migration, but Treasury and federal agenciesdo. As does the groupthink, of powerful stakeholders.
Patrolling wokeness in academia, are Punishment, Prejudice, and Fear. Kaufmann sprinkles these chapters, with surveys and charts.
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