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Why the two-state solution is the only viable option to the exclusion of any other

By Alon Ben-Meir - posted Friday, 12 January 2024


Option three: Autonomous Palestinian entity

The failure to advance a two-state solution in the past prompted some academics and Arab officials weary of the persistent conflict to think of a different option, a compromise whereby the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza could establish their own entity that would enjoy autonomous rule. This would encompass all of Areas A and B, 80-90 percent of Area C, and all of Gaza.1 Besides having internal security, this entity would be demilitarized but maintain overall security in full cooperation with Israel. This solution would technically end the occupation.

This option has not gained much traction because the Palestinians insist that they have an inalienable right to establish an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, with its capital in Jerusalem. Conversely, Israel has insisted all along that it will not relinquish overall security control, as that would risk its own security. Neither Israel nor the Palestinians have seriously considered this option mainly because, for Israel, it leaves the settlements in a precarious state in terms of its security, governance, and development, and for the Palestinians, it is not full-fledged sovereignty.

And there is the inconceivably sick option wherein extremists on both sides-messianic Israeli Jews and Palestinian jihadis-seek to expel or even liquidate the other from any territory they currently occupy, which deserves no elaboration but only the strongest condemnation for even thinking of such an option, which is akin to ethnic cleansing and absolute sheer madness.

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None of the above options had any chance of materializing, which brings us to the fourth and only viable option.

Option four: the two-state solution

The two-state solution-independent states that exist side-by-side, respect each other's sovereignty and rights, and live in peace and security-is the only viable option. Given the dramatically changing conditions on the ground since 1967, a high level of collaboration between them becomes sine qua non and supportive of a sustainable two-state solution.

First, Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel proper. There are an estimated 3 million Palestinians and 700,000 Israelis in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and roughly 2 million Israeli Arab citizens. Since it simply impossible to relocate a large segment of either population or change their demographic makeup, it makes the coexistence of Israelis and Palestinians inescapable.

Second, Israel's national security and the Palestinians' sense of insecurity are sources of great concern to both sides. Therefore, security collaboration is central to any peace agreement. Even now, there is extensive security cooperation between the PA and Israel. Any peace agreement should expand upon the existing security arrangement between them. This would categorically refute the claim by many Israelis, including Netanyahu, that a newly established Palestinian state in the West Bank would pose an existential threat to Israel.

Third, solutions to the main conflicting issues, including Jerusalem, the settlements and the Palestinian refugees, can be found only within the two states framework. In principle, given the religious and historical affinity of Israelis and Palestinians to Jerusalem, it will remain united as neither side wants to redivide the city. The three blocks of settlements along the 1967 borders which house 80 percent of the settlers will remain in place, and many smaller settlements will be relocated to allow for a contiguous Palestinian state. The solution to the Palestinian refugees will be based on resettlement and/or compensation. Negotiations along these lines between Israel and the Palestinians have taken place in the past and have nearly reached agreements on all three issues. Further details on those conflicting issues are in my proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation, published in World Affairs.

Conclusion

Every Israeli should remember that for the Palestinians, having a state of their own is the only acceptable solution. They will not continue to live in servitude; they want to be free; they want security, opportunities to grow and prosper, and a promising future. They will never succumb to the draconian rules of the occupier and will resist until they unshackle themselves of occupation.

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Every Palestinian should also know that there will be no independent Palestinian state unless the Palestinians accept coexistence with Israel in peace and security. Israel has an inalienable right to exist as a Jewish state where all of its citizens, regardless of their ethnic background and religious affiliation, enjoy equal rights before the law.

Since the beginning of the Israeli occupation in 1967, all peace negotiations have failed mainly because neither side was willing to recognize the other's inalienable right to live in an independent state of their own. Both sides missed numerous opportunities, allowing the extremists among them to usurp the political agenda and torpedo any efforts by moderates/realists on both sides to reach an agreement.

Israelis and Palestinians ought to remember that their co-existence is irrevocable. They are either destined to grow, prosper, and live in peace together, or kill each other for another 100 years. The choice is theirs-to bequeath either life or death to generations to come.

 

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Note: Currently, Area A, approximately 18 percent of the West Bank's total territory, is fully administered by the Palestinian Authority. In Area B (22 percent), the PA controls civilian affairs while sharing security control with Israel. Area C represents 60 percent of the West Bank's land mass and is fully under Israeli control. See https://www.anera.org/what-are-area-a-area-b-and-area-c-in-the-west-bank/.A version of this article was originally published in CNN Arabic.
 



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About the Author

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a professor of international relations at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He teaches courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

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