Last week the governor general of PNG was chosen for a six-year term, chosen by a secret ballot of the members of the PNG national parliament.
Sir Bob Dadae completes his six-year term soon, so Parliament was tasked with electing the next Governor General.
Sir Bob was a nominee for a second term, supported by PM Marape and most Ministers, and there were two other candidates.
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To secure a second term he had to secure the support of two-thirds of MPs in attendance.
None of his nine predecessors served more than one term. Several wanted to but they could not secure two-thirds support.
So Sir Bob created history with 71 votes - just over two-thirds.
I have known all nine of his predecessors from the very first, Sir John Guise. When I joined Iambakey Okuk, then Opposition Leader, Sir John was his Deputy.
He had been elected GG in 1975 prior to Independence. But he resigned barely a year later to run in the 1977 elections.
He found the GG role as impotent and wholly powerless.
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That is how the founders of the nation wanted it. A figurehead representing the Queen.
Ever since that has been the position. A well resource figurehead with absolutely no real power.
Far be it for me to tell the Australian Republican Movement how to structure its head of state proposal, but the PNG structure offers a role the public might find attractive…or might not!
Had the PNG model applied in Australia, Sir John Kerr could not have dismissed the Whitlam Government, only the PNG parliament can remove the prime minister.
In 1991 there was a fascinating instance of just how powerless the governor general is.
Ministers can only be appointed, and removed, by the prime minister as a rule.
In 1991 the governor general, Sir Seri Eri, reinstated the deputy prime minister, Ted Diro, who had been suspended under the leadership code provisions.
The prime minister was Rabbie Namaliu. I was his senior advisor.
He found the suspension of his deputy frustrating as did I. Ted Diro was a friend. He was a key coalition leader.
But not even the prime minister can circumvent the leadership code. And the governor general most certainly can't.
We had no choice but to request the queen to dismiss the governor general. The parliament could have but the process would have taken time.
The Palace was contacted. A senior public servant was dispatched to London with a letter seeking the sacking of the governor general.
The palace had made it clear the request would have been actioned by a her majesty.
Fortunately, Sir Seri resigned while the official was in transit.
What this incident showed was that if Gough Whitlam had got to the palace before he was formally sacked, he would have been successful.
There are no moves in PNG to end the links with the crown. The structure suits even a powerful PM like James Marape.
The governor general has no say over granting royal assent to legislators. He must act on the advice of the cabinet - the National Executive Council. He may ask questions, but the cabinet is not required to answer if it elects not to.
My favourite GG was the second, Sir Tore Lokeloko. He was an MP when elected, as most have been or had been.
He had a magnificent English accent.
I got to know him when I became secretary of the Port Moresby Rugby League. He had just retired as GG and became our patron.
He never missed a weekend of football. My job was to look after him. That basically involved ensuring he had a cold SP stubbie in our VIP Box!
We talked about his time as GG. As he told me, when he took it up he knew he was without power. That suited him.
Securing a second term is a remarkable achievement by Sir Bob.
What it really showed was that the Prime Minister, James Marape, has enormous parliamentary support.
It also shows that this aspect of the constitution - the role of the head of state - is functioning well.