No one Muslim fits all

Much has been made of the list of Muslim leaders who met with Prime Minister John Howard last week. It seems like it achieved the miraculous feat of pleasing no one.

Even among those in attendance, Australian Federation of Islamic Councils president Ameer Ali queried the absence of more radical groups when the summit presented an opportunity to confront and denounce them. Perhaps.

But it seems to me more likely that the summit simply would have been hijacked by senseless rhetoric.

Within the Muslim community itself, far more fervent criticism was directed at the idea that the invitees were not representative of Muslim Australia. This, I suspect, is true enough. In particular there was a notable absence of women and young people. Some of the largest Muslim organisations in Australia were not present. There was no representation of the large Turkish community.

But as anyone familiar with Australian Muslims could tell you, the prime minister's selection task was an impossible one.

This is because the Muslim community, as a homogenous, coherent entity, simply does not exist. It is, in reality, a very diverse set of communities hailing from about 70 different nations, and featuring a mind-boggling number of different cultures and languages.

Mosques are still very often constituted largely on ethnic lines. To complicate matters, many are also contending with a generation gap exacerbated by the dynamics of migration. When you add to this the fact that a significant and growing proportion of Australian Muslims are converts - even indigenous Australians - the mix is even more varied.

My wife, for example, traces her family history to the First Fleet.

Within each ethnic group, too, there are diverse connections to Australia. Some trace their Australian presence through several generations, going back to the Afghan cameleers who built so much of this country, while others are first or second-generation Australians. Some entire communities are now well established after 50 years. And new communities of very recent arrivals are also beginning to form, particularly from the Horn of Africa.

Perhaps most important, theological, political and social attitudes are equally diverse. Put simply, the Muslims in Australia are as diverse as the world itself. If we want every strand represented, we're looking at a guest list in the hundreds.

We're also looking at a summit that is totally unworkable. This quandary would have been of tremendous concern had the summit been the full extent of the interaction between the Federal Government and the Australian Muslim communities.

However, the signs immediately following the summit indicate that it is only the starting point. The prime minister's commitment to ongoing talks provides a chance for true engagement to begin. John Howard has signalled more grassroots involvement with government.

The government must make this as broad as possible by including those elements of mainstream Muslim Australia that were not present.

But it is crucial that this engagement goes both ways. Muslim Australia will naturally listen to the government. The question is whether or not the government will return the favour.

Muslim Australia has, largely, come to feel alienated by the political conversation in this country. Its impression of government has been forged by a series of negative images: Tampa, the mandatory detention of asylum seekers, ASIO raids that led to no arrests, draconian anti-terror legislation and wars with Afghanistan and Iraq. Remedial work is required.

Whatever political views we may have on these issues, it is important to recognise that this alienation is a concern - not simply for the sake of Muslim Australia, but for all of us.

The government is calling for assistance from Australian Muslims in the fight against terrorism. High-ranking intelligence, law enforcement and security officials, like Mick Keelty, are all saying that the Muslim community is a vital ally, and a source of intelligence, in this struggle. And Australian Muslims have demonstrated this repeatedly.

When a man reportedly recruiting for terrorist organisations was identified in Australia and subsequently deported, this followed a lengthy flow of information coming from concerned Australian Muslims. In June, further ASIO raids were reportedly conducted, at least in part, on intelligence provided from the Muslim community itself.

If this is to be sustained, the government must cultivate a substantial degree of trust with Muslim Australia. It must demonstrate to Australian Muslims that the government is with them. How can it demand assistance in an environment of mutual suspicion?