Israeli-Palestinian confederation offers the only solution for sustainable peace

In the final analysis, Israel will have to accept that the Palestinians will establish their capital in East Jerusalem, while all Israeli Jews living on the east side of the city will remain where they are. In fact, the Trump administration's official recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital clearly states that "We are not taking a position on any final status issues, including the specific boundaries of the Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem, or the resolution of contested borders. Those questions are up to the parties involved."

Security

Israel's national security and the Palestinians' sense of insecurity are sources of great concern to both sides, particularly as they are intertwined. Therefore, security collaboration is central to any peace agreement.

Notwithstanding the fact that Israel is the most powerful country in the region, the Israelis still experience a sense of existential vulnerability, traceable to the Jews' historical experiences, culminating in the Holocaust, which left an indelible mark on every Jew. Thus, the concern over Israel's national security is psychologically ingrained, and neither its own military prowess nor external assurances to protect its security completely assuage those concerns. For this reason, Israel takes no risk, however small, over any threats against Israel's very existence, regardless of how real or exaggerated such threats may be.

One central security issue is the protection of the Jordan Valley. While Israel insists on maintaining its own security forces along the Jordan River, the Palestinians have rejected this as they consider the Jordan Valley an integral part of a future Palestinian state. Instead, Israelis and Palestinians should join forces to guard the border with Jordan, with the full cooperation of Jordan.

The newly-established Palestinian state must be demilitarized. However, the Palestinian state would retain its existing paramilitary security forces and handle any external threat jointly with Israel's military, along the line of their existing security cooperation. Such full cooperation on all security matters can be done only in the context of a confederation. This should include: sharing intelligence, conducting joint operations to prevent violent attacks from either side, and establishing rules of engagement to prevent accidental clashes between their respective security forces.

Borders

Under the framework of a confederation, the contours of the final borders will be determined by mutual agreement and appear on maps only, including the political line that will be established between East and West Jerusalem. The time span of the transition from hard to soft borders will depend on the prospective interactions between the two sides on many levels.

Palestinian refugees

Although the solution to the Palestinian refugee issue is not directly related to the confederation, there will be no solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict until this issue is settled.

It is time for the Palestinians to disabuse themselves of the notion of the right of return as they currently envision it. The return of the refugees would demographically obliterate the Jewish national character of the state, which is the raison d'etre behind Israel's creation.

Instead, the Palestinians must redefine the right of return-not to the exact towns and villages from which they and their ancestors fled, but to a return to the State of Palestine in general, which is in line with the international legal principle of right of return. The solution to the refugee issue rests then, as it always has, on compensation and/or resettlement, mostly in the West Bank, and offering compensation for those who choose not to relocate, be they in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, or beyond. If any Palestinian refugee chooses to return to Gaza, they should be free to do so.

When a confederation between Israel and the Palestinians of the West Bank is established, Hamas can then be invited to join, provided it recognizes Israel's right to exist and officially renounces the use of violence. If Hamas elects not to join at the early stage, they should be allowed to join later as long as they fully subscribe to the framework of the confederation.

Reaching an agreement with the Palestinian Authority but not Hamas will as a consequence leave some unfinished business, but it will not torpedo any kind of agreement with the PA. They should not continue to be held hostage over what Hamas does or does not want to do, unless it is prepared to join the process immediately.

The role of the United States

The Biden administration, which supports the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, must now take into full consideration the vast and irreversible facts on the ground that clearly point to the need for total Israeli-Palestinian collaboration on just about every front.

Given that the Biden administration is not inclined to dive into full-scale peace talks fearing, and for good reason, that the political climate is not conducive to such negotiations, it should focus on the reconciliation process. This process would entail confidence-building measures and alleviate over a period of 5 to 7 years the deeply-rooted distrust and hatred and create a new environment ripe for peace.

Conclusion

The establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation can fully satisfy the national aspiration of both peoples. Israel will be able to secure and sustain the Jewish national identity of the state and its democracy, as well as its national security concerns. The Palestinians will be able to establish a free and independent state of their own, live in security and peace, and engage in nation-building where they can grow and prosper.

Israelis and Palestinians must remember that they have been fated to coexist, either in a state of constant enmity and conflict, or as neighbors living in peace and security that can prosper together. They must now choose one way or the other as neither side can concoct any other sustainable alternative.