Is populism any better than elitism?

If we take this ideal seriously we are likely to agree, not just that all citizens are entitled to have an equal say in who makes the laws, but that majority rule is the least unfair interpretation of it's requirement, simply because any deviation will entail a discrimination in favour of some special person or privileged group.

But while this explains why the majority has a stronger claim to make the laws than the minority, it does not say they can make whatever laws they like. Such a claim would permit opposition parties to be outlawed, their property confiscated and leaders imprisoned, as has occurred in Egypt in recent years and arguably in Turkey since the counter-coup. In short, a populist theory of democracy will undermine the very principle of equal concern and respect which justifies majority rule.

Which points to another, more Orwellian, danger - the vulnerability of those who reject as elitists experts on the law, economics, history, and other matters needed to judge and formulate public policy. The danger is the ease with which demagogues can, in a populist world, influence debate and deceive the public. It brings to mind the passage in Shakespeare's Henry VI when Dick the Butcher, enthused by the Pretender Jack Cade's fantastic promises, adds' The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers'.

There is a poignant example - arguably a foretaste of what is to come - from the Trump campaign. As CNN reports, Kraig Moss, an amateur crooner, sold his truck to follow Trump on the campaign trail, singing pro-Trump songs and strumming his guitar. He became a familiar figure in the media, which dubbed him 'the voice of unheard America.' His support expressed a compassion born of personal experience after his son died from a drug overdose - he believed Trump's repeated vows to increase treatment services for addicts. That was before he found out the reforms meant drastic cuts in services to addicts in all states which had expanded health care programs under Obamacare, including his own. He no longer plays the guitar because, he says, 'the bill is an absolute betrayal of what Trump represented on the campaign trail.'

This is just the beginning. At the heart of Trump's promise to 'make America great again' is a trillion dollar infrastructure program to repair and upgrade highways, power lines, harbours, airports, bridges, railways, public hospitals etc., while at the same time increasing spending on defence and cutting taxes. It will not be financed by a 'New Deal' type plan using public money, which is anathema to Republicans. The plan, rather, is to attract corporations with major tax concessions and income-earning equities such as toll roads, which will impact most on Kraig Moss and fellow working class Americans.

There is a growing sense that Trump's success is the price a nation pays when its political system serves only those whose wealth allows them to choose the rules of the game. It has led to a resurgence of interest, among both political theorists and opinion writers, in fairness as a foundational principle - as in the American Declaration of Independence - and not just one among other values.

Australia is still widely seen as the land of the 'fair go' and no one thinks major parties here could end Medicare, contrive (as they have in the US) to peg the basic wage at $7.25 for 30 years, or remove consumer protections across the board (as Trump threatens) for the sake of market freedoms. There is, however, continuous pressure to ease regulatory constraints while avoiding calls for a Royal Commission to look at the case for expanding them. At the same time, there are still no limits on huge corporate donations to political parties.

We are more likely to avoid going down this American path if we keep a clear sense of the difference between community values and popular opinions. The former call for politicians to act on principle, which is the same thing as acting in good conscience. Edmund Burke took principles seriously in this sense; it is why his conservative instincts were always secondary to his sense of values, especially his sense of fairness and concern for justice.