This would seem to be the most appropriate model for the Queensland
Liberal Party to follow. It won’t.
The first key to the Labor Party’s revival was the shock therapy of
its various election results, but the Queensland Liberal Party has been
living with shock since its the State and Federal results in 1983. It
tries to conventionally renovate the party, succeeds for a while, then it
disintegrates again. It has got used to defeat and shrugs it off as
someone else’s fault. The only move to try something different occurred
under Paul Everingham when he attempted to merge the Liberal Party into
the National Party – not a renovation but an admission of defeat.
The second key was Federal intervention. This again is unlikely for the
Queensland Liberals. Not only are the Feds preoccupied with two infinitely
more healthy divisions – those of New South Wales and Victoria – but
there is no-one who could command the respect of all the factions. Tony
Staley appears to be Prime Minister Howard’s
preferred doctor, but he would be viewed with deep suspicion and outright
hostility by the moderate groupings in the Queensland Liberals.
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The third key was finding a President who could straddle the factions.
The Queensland Liberal Party’s problem is to find a president, period.
When Con Galtos was asked immediately after the election whether he was
under any threat he said that he wasn’t because being Party President
was time consuming, didn’t pay a salary, and required the incumbent to
donate large sums of money for the privilege. Not a strong defence of his
position, but an accurate one.
The one member of the current executive who could perhaps have aspired
to this position is long serving Vice-President, Dr Ross Cartmill, but
Cartmill has decided to contest the pre-selection for the senate position
left vacant by the resignation of Warwick Parer. He will therefore either
become a senator, or be damaged by his failure.
None of the other Vice-Presidents could fill the position. Robin
Fardoulys is the campaign chairman, and has to share a lot of the blame
for the electoral defeats. Matthew Boland was overwhelmingly censured by
the State Executive in 1996,and could have faced expulsion, for his role
in the rorting and branch stacking that had infected the Queensland Young
Liberal Movement.
The fourth was having a State Secretary who could get on with the job,
and make some tough decisions. It is possible that the Queensland Liberals
could do better here. Unlike the ALP the State Director (who is the
equivalent of the State Secretary) is not elected. He or she is a paid
official so a good one could be procured at the right price.
Unfortunately, the cash strapped party is unlikely to pay the price. A
likely candidate might decide that the party’s fortunes were at their
lowest ebb and be tempted by an incentive package based on performance,
but then again, they might not.
The fifth was the decision by the factions to back off. Again this is
unlikely to happen with the Queensland Liberals. To date no-one has been
out to destroy Santoro, but he has been obsessed with destroying all of
his opponents. It follows that the chances of a peaceful recovery rest
with him – he has to be prepared to share power. But Santoro has never
shared power. The Lilley Federal Electorate Council is his stronghold and
he has driven out most independent spirits. Rod Samut, a senior and
respected member of the Brisbane Business community, was destroyed as
Lilley FEC Chairman because he dared to question Santoro’s authority in
the area. When Elizabeth Grace was the Federal Member there was a
poisonous relationship between the two because she would not toe the line.
Santoro has trouble relinquishing control of anything. Even after he
was too old to be a member of the Young Liberal Movement he attended Young
Liberal Executive meetings for some time. He is still an active advisor
and player in Young Liberal Games, at the age of 43.
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So, if the better course is impossible for the Queensland Liberals,
what is likely to happen?
One possibility is that the National Party will move in and fill the
gap as suggested by National Party State Director, Ken Crooke. It did hold
Brisbane seats through the 80’s, and it is not impossible that this
might happen again. However, it would require a major change in the
complexion of that party for it to win more than a few. The Liberal
Party’s problem in Brisbane is not with the right wing vote, it still
gets that, but with those in the centre. Liberal voters lost by the
party’s 1998 One Nation decision would be even more repelled by the
National Party, for example.
Another possibility is that the party could be taken over by new
players. The last year has already seen a couple of opportunists attempt
to make inroads into the party by signing up huge numbers of new members.
These attempts appear to be foundering. Michael Johnson, the Australian
Chinese who hopes to replace John Moore as the member for Ryan, has signed
up approximately 300 new members into the Centenary Branch, practically
all Chinese. Centenary falls into Jamboree ward, one of those that was
lost to the ALP. Jamboree has a significant Asian population, and the ALP
had Chinese speaking workers on all of the key booths. Johnson was only
able to turn up two, including himself. The failure of the Liberal Party
to win a reasonable proportion of the Chinese community would have been
one of the factors in this loss.
Johnson, and another entrepreneur, Dr Christian Rowan, who signed up
100 or so Brisbane residents to a Nambour Branch, 90 minutes drive north
of Brisbane, have also fallen easily into the factional system,
intensifying, rather than diffusing it.
What this illustrates is that political parties do not radically change
membership overnight, and that when there are rapid influxes, it is often
for the wrong reasons and does not alter the substrata on which the whole
is built.
At this stage, the most likely outcome would appear to be a long Labor
rule – the coalition sentenced to long opposition as the Liberal Party
hobbles along, unable and unwilling to help itself. It may have to wait
for a post Santoro generation for anything to change – and that is a
long time away.