More disturbingly, its inspiration is not that current constitutional
arrangements are unworkable or tyrannous, but rather the search for a ‘national
identity’ and Australian nationalism. Hal Colebatch describes this
search as follows;
‘The search for, and invocation of the mythical "National
Identity" has become reminiscent in its absurdity of the
pre-occupations of the Courts of Gulliver’s Lilliput. Junk
pseudo-nationalism, generally thought of elsewhere as belonging to
right-wing and reactionary thought, in Australia infests the progressive
side of politics.’
This nationalism has its roots in traditional Australian nationalism, a
creature of the old Left. Though some may idealise the heady brew of an
anti-Imperialist, anti-English, working-class desire for an ‘independent’
Australia, it was often ignorant, narrow-minded and xenophobic bigotry.
This old nationalism and desire for an ‘independent’ Australia is
largely the result of what one writer called "the unquenchable Gaelic
resentment of the English yoke."
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While the more politically incorrect elements of this nationalism have
faded away or been forgotten and attracted a middle-class and educated
audience, the refrain "Let's make the head of state one of us"
points to its unattractive beginnings. It is un-Australian, we are told,
not to want a republic. Keating told the Queen Australians wanted a
republic, but only 35 per cent of Australians supported the idea. It seems
that majority, who didn’t want a republic, didn’t really count. They
were un-Australian. One can’t help but see the ghost of Robespierre in
the arrogance of that assumption.
Much can be done to improve the Australian system of government, but as
Sir David Smith observed, politicians and bureaucrats could do it with no
change to the constitution. It may not sound as exciting, but the results
maybe more republican in outcome than any changes proposed by the ARM.
Surely Australia’s maturity would be better demonstrated by
constitutional change for reasons advocated by the likes of Paddy O’Brien,
or (better still in my mind) those alluded to by Sir David, than the
flatulent reasons of ‘national identity’.
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