Broad candidate choice would also encourage a Labor Party that was able to represent the great majority of Australians in a large variety of electorates. It is no coincidence that the decline in the variety of candidates seeking pre-selection has occurred at a time when pre-selection has become controlled by a select few. Labor needs people running for election who think about the communities they live in as opposed to only the union officials and political staffers presently being run and considered.
What about “control”?
Control of the message is the key. In the writers’ view the leadership group of the Labor Party needs to retain full control of the campaign message and once pre-selected, candidates must still be acceptable to the party executive. For instance it is conceivable that primaries could see the pre-selection of a candidate well out of step with the Labor Party. The capacity to de-select a candidate must therefore be available.
It is also the writers’ view that the best control leaders can display is control of a persuasive message. Tony Blair has received a great deal of criticism from the British Labour Party and yet he has controlled the message throughout his tenure. Indeed the broadening of British Labour has been because old Labour exists, and new Labour is in control of the overall party and message - it is a net plus to have both wings on display, not a weakness - but only so long as new Labour retains control of persuasive message.
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What about the “pledge”?
The pledge is a tool used by the Labor Party that means if an MP votes against a caucus decision they can be expelled from the party or de-selected.
The pledge is abused and unnecessary in politics where candidates must represent seats as varied as north Queensland and inner Sydney - often by the same party. Indeed the variety of seats that Labor must win is the biggest reason flexibility in pre-selection is an absolute requirement for progress.
What about quotas?
In the writers’ view popular involvement in candidate choice and the emergence of more “star” candidates is more important than whether the candidate selected is a man or a woman or whether the overall balance of gender has reached any set quota.
Political direction
When Labor appraises itself after each election, the most fundamental issue it faces is the restoration of its “brand”. Most of the Labor membership considers the reduction in “brand quality” a result of Labor being too right-wing and Latham most explicitly made this mistake. But in reality this is voodoo politics, especially when John Howard is prime minister. If the centre of politics was further to the left than the current perceived wisdom for those who manage the major parties, Kim Beazley would have been prime minister in 1998 or 2001 and Mark Latham may have had a chance in 2004.
Let’s persuade the country that Labor is in the centre and beyond the pockets of the unions and other sectional interests groups. Labor the party representing varied communities, selecting star candidates, in touch with the majority, and flexible to the messages of the local electorates. It needs to be a Labor Party for all.
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