New pecking order in the Canberra chook pen?

It was that wily warhorse of conservative politics, Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen whose regime defined media relations as "feeding the chooks". Central to this dictum was the principle of giving the media pack a few scraps to fight over each day, otherwise their curiosity might be engaged by other topics, such as police corruption, prostitution, or even use of the government jet as the Premier's personal taxi.

The policy of the Abbott Government so far has been to limit its exposure to the media. The wisdom of this practice is yet to be properly tested. It has certainly caused complaints from journalists. Laurie Oakes, launching his book offering for this Christmas, accused Abbott of not keeping his campaign promises of transparency and accountability.

There are two reasons for this policy. First, the government saw how the 24 hour news cycle damaged the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd governments. Or perhaps more accurately how the previous government damaged itself through constant "announceables".

Secondly, Abbott's inner sanctum, read Peta Credlin, knows that Tony Abbott, despite his much vaunted skills as a journalist, is a shocking performer on the medium where it counts most – television. His appearance and gait; his manner of speech, including his equivocation and his nasal tonality, all count against him in this medium. This is why he avoids serious television interviews: 7.30, Lateline, Insiders. Not because he hates the ABC, but because his flaws are so obvious under the arc lights.

Operational matters

The first manifestation of the "no show" or "no tell" policy became explicit with the rollout of Operation Sovereign Borders, complete with props such as a newly promoted three star general, Angus Campbell, who disappeared on leave within days of his appointment. "Operational Matters" became the figleaf behind which Morrison hid anything he did not want to talk about.

More recently the three star general has given a four star performance refusing to talk about "on water" matters. What was obvious to all except Campbell and Morrison is that their policy and performance were taking on water, and that both of them are at risk of drowning in a sea of obfuscation, incorrect information and rudeness.

Morrison's contempt for the media pack is palpable. Not without reason. They lapped up and amplified his every utterance in Opposition, irrespective of the moral bankruptcy of his position, and the rank stupidity of the thought bubbles he floated as policy (such as buying Indonesian fishing boats). That Morrison recognized such pandering for what it was, is now evident.

Crowd sourcing investigative reporting

The use of crowdsourcing by Fairfax Media to uncover more MP expenses rorts is an example of the risks associated with media disengagment; idle hands are find things to do and these are not always helpful to the government. Interestingly the Fairfax MP rorts campaign has forced Abbott's hand. He has made an announcement that there will be changes to the protocols from January 1. He has also banned employment of family members by MPs – which is nepotism. This will encourage the rise of what has long been called 'second phase nepotism'. "I employ my relatives; you employ my relatives." A practice jocularly described in one organ of the media as "wife swapping".

On the policy front, it is unlikely that an Abbott Government will reduce red tape to any significant degree; and even less likely that they will be held to account for not doing so. Why? Because reporting red tape reduction is boring.

What about Rupert?