Let us now consider the alternative form of globalisation put forward
by the Bush administration. This model places a heavily militarised United
States as the core of a process of globalisation, dominated by the
developed nations; and in particular transnational corporations, global
finance markets and global commercial governance structures, notably the
World Trade Organisation, International Monetary Fund and World Bank.
While the forces of economic liberalisation reconstruct all social,
economic and political relations under this logic, the US acts as global
policeman, keeping in check dissident societies, including nation states
like North Korea and Iraq, and social movements like Islamic
fundamentalism.
There are two problems with this vision: Firstly, it is doubtful that
even the US can sustain the politico-military forces required to do the
job, especially if Europe shifts out of the US sphere and China challenges
US power in Asia.
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Secondly, this vision has no obvious answers to the chronic problems of
environmental degradation and uneven socio-economic development. The
combination of challenges to US hegemony, from nations like China or
movements like Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, and the growing awareness
concerning the costs of environmental crisis and poverty, will sooner or
later be too great for the US to deal with unilaterally.
The only medium to long-term response to emerging global crisis of
governance, is to build and improve global frameworks for sustained
negotiation of all problems; whether they be those facing the species,
such as global warming, or those relating to conflict between nations or
ways of life.
This is the other meaning of the Kyoto protocols. They are the most
serious attempt yet, to organize a sustainable global order with genuine
negotiations about costs and benefits. Because they are focussed on a
specific goal [dealing with global warming], success can be measured and
the lessons learned (in contrast to that other great global hope, the
United Nations).
It is highly likely that the next US government will begin to shift
towards greater accommodation with the negotiated globalisation model.
Indeed, if Al Gore were President, they would probably be agonising over
it right now.
From Australia’s perspective, either this government or the next will
have to join the Kyoto protocol sooner or later. Let us hope they do so
before the Americans - to save some international face.
This is one of those times in history when paradigms are in clear
conflict, and stark alternatives for social development are apparent. It
would be an understatement to say that there is a lot riding on the
decisions being made by world leaders right now.
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