Is a woman leader possible?

• Introduced the R&D Tax Credit policy aimed at generating high-wage, high-skill jobs through a 45% refundable Tax Credit for firms under a $20mill turnover, and a 40%r refundable Tax Credit for all others, retrospective to 1 July 2011;

• Passed 'plain packaging' laws effective December 2012, to 'reduce the number of deaths from smoking-related diseases', 'giving [Australia] the best chance of having the lowest smoking rates';

• Announced a new cash-payment plan replacing the Education Tax Refund, so 'a typical family will get more than $720 extra each year' from 1 January 2013, ensuring payment is automatic, 'upfront' and prior to the end of the tax year;

• Implemented and expanded a National Bowel Cancer Screening Program to reduce bowel cancer, and announced a 'blitz' on dental treatment waiting lists to cover 400,000 patients, 'benefiting low income Australians';

• Introduced the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS), from July 2013 operating from 'up to four locations across the country' ensuring 'about 10,000 people … will receive support … rising to 20,000' by July 2014 and meaning, in the government's words: 'For the first time in Australia's history people with significant and permanent disability will receive lifetime care and support, regardless of how they acquired their disability'.

Far from exhaustive, the list omits policies coming under significant humanitarian fire: the NT intervention or 'second invasion' and asylum seekers and refugees policy – although recently modified. However, here the Gillard government has pursued policies supported by the Prime Minister.

For Australia, then, Eleanor Roosevelt's assertion that a woman will fail as political head through 'not lasting' sufficiently long to carry through a platform falls.

Yet despite substantial policy achievements, many of which have major community support, and despite their being gained whilst leading a minority government, a Sydney Morning Herald poll: 'How do you rate Julia Gillard as prime minister?' shows confounding results. Of 16,832 votes, 15% rate performance as 'excellent', 17% 'good', 7% 'average', with the remainder devoted to 'poor' - at 10%, and 51% 'woeful'.

Limited to Fairfax readership, such polls can include multiple voting. Yet the figures prompt the question why, defying substantial policy outcomes and an undeniable capacity on the Prime Minister's part to effect this, a not insubstantial number fail to acknowledge it?

Owen Jones, UK Independent commentator, pinpoints sexism as the key to 'rampant' abuse leveled at women who speak up, speak out, and will not be put down whatever the invective. A predictable response dominates against articulate, determined, achievement-orientated women unafraid of power. Jones cites Louise Mensch, MP, viewed in some circles as an abrasive Conservative Party member, most recently featuring on the parliamentary committee reporting on Murdoch, the media and 'hacking'.

Observing she is 'a craven apologist for Rupert Murdoch, and deserves to be exposed as such', Jones notes that this 'does not distinguish [Mensch] from the Tory leadership, except that she is more honest about it [with] less power to act on her sycophancy'. She at least 'had the courage' to 'ride to the much-maligned mogul's defence' on television's Newsnight, only to receive a backlash constituted by 'a torrent of violently sexist tweets':

'She was a "whore", a "cold faced cold hearted bitch", and far worse. "Louise Mensch … You would wouldn't you?" tweeted Northern Irish "comedian" Martin Mor. "Given half a chance you'd strangle her!" Vice magazine proceeded to ask Occupy protesters if they'd have sex with her: just for the "lulz", as the kids say.'