Are Buckley's and None really the only two electoral choices in NSW?

Hatton's parliamentary career began when Robert Askin was New South Wales Premier. His greeting by Askin in the premier's office was: "You look after our interests, and we will look after yours". The defamation law held back until the day of his funeral the questioning of Askin's "amazing lucky streaks at the races". There was no hard evidence that the premier was accepting huge bribes - and yet an audit of his estate revealed "substantial wealth derived from undisclosed sources".

As premier, he recommended knighthoods to the queen. He thus secured his own knighthood - and later its upgrading. It was even claimed that he sold knighthoods to wealthy mates.

The years that followed Hatton's election revealed that the state had in the member for the South Coast what the great majority of Australians want in every parliamentarian - but almost never get. After playing a role in exposing a corrupt link between a chief magistrate and the administration of rugby league, Hatton used parliamentary privilege to expose the mafia in the Griffith area which did not stop short of murdering those (Donald Mackay) who threatened its operations.

Friends provided emergency shelters for Hatton's family. But why take risks nobody else was taking? Responded his frightened but stoic wife, Vera: "Somebody has to do it."

Hatton did not accept the police commissioner's one-rotten-apple-in-the-barrel theory about the New South Wales police force. By being the prime mover behind the Wood Royal Commission, he achieved more than any parliamentarian (who was not a minister) in the history of this country. The commission exposed widespread and entrenched corruption in the New South Wales Police Force.

In his long parliamentary career, Hatton had became highly informed and knew how to prod and probe. As the media regarded him as worthwhile subject matter, the high profile they provided helped his effectiveness considerably. Victims of corruption outside of his own electorate sought his help.

In spite of his probable obsession with corruption, Hatton's electorate didn't seem to feel that he was ignoring them. He served for 22 years and retired at the point of exhaustion. In one state election, and without any party funds behind his campaign, he attracted 78 percent of the votes in his electorate.

The coming state election on March 26

The New South Wales Parliament is known as the Bear Pit. Crazed behaviour is one thing, but a parliamentary process which is sheltering corruption is something else again. John Hatton claims that the New South Wales parliamentary process is sheltering corruption in the private sector as much as it has ever been in its grubby history.

What is needed in both upper and lower houses is that there be enough genuine independents beholden to nobody who will determine what legislation gets passed. This has occurred before - to the fury of the party condemned to be a minority government. One can understand the fury after buckets of money have been spent to put the party in control - and individuals running on near-empty call the shots.

But, what if the electorate you live in is a safe Labor, Liberal or National Party seat? Does this not mean that your vote for an independent is a completely wasted vote? Not if your vote gives the safe seat a shake.

After the results come in, there is a lump of public money to be distributed amongst the candidates in your electorate. Your primary vote delivers a portion of that money to your candidate of choice - providing that candidate attracts four percent or more of the total primary votes.

If you vote for the independent most likely to get four percent of the votes, that candidate gets the money to fund his or her next run. But, as the independent will not win the seat, it will remain in the hands of Labor or the Coalition.

How can a vote for an independent be wasted when it sends out a message that the voter is not happy with party-politics?