Like what you've read?

On Line Opinion is the only Australian site where you get all sides of the story. We don't
charge, but we need your support. Here�s how you can help.

  • Advertise

    We have a monthly audience of 70,000 and advertising packages from $200 a month.

  • Volunteer

    We always need commissioning editors and sub-editors.

  • Contribute

    Got something to say? Submit an essay.


 The National Forum   Donate   Your Account   On Line Opinion   Forum   Blogs   Polling   About   
On Line Opinion logo ON LINE OPINION - Australia's e-journal of social and political debate

Subscribe!
Subscribe





On Line Opinion is a not-for-profit publication and relies on the generosity of its sponsors, editors and contributors. If you would like to help, contact us.
___________

Syndicate
RSS/XML


RSS 2.0

East Timor’s policy of appeasement towards Indonesia

By Dionisio Da Cruz Pereira - posted Wednesday, 15 April 2009


Nearly ten years after the East Timorese people voted overwhelmingly to separate from Indonesia, East Timor’s foreign policy towards Indonesian has been characterised by a policy of appeasement.

Since assuming power in 2002, the first constitutional government led by Fretilin, as well as the current coalition government, have been trying to avoid any action that will directly or indirectly upset East Timor’s giant neighbour, Indonesia.

The repeated calls by prominent human rights groups to bring the perpetrators of human rights violations in 1999 to trial before an international tribunal has so far met an unenthusiastic response among leaders in East Timor.

Advertisement

In an interview with the Washington Post in 2006, the current president of East Timor, Ramos Horta said "we have consciously rejected the notion of pushing for an international tribunal for East Timor because, A, it is not practical, B, it would wreck our relationship with Indonesia, and, C, we are serious about supporting Indonesia's own transition towards democracy".

The East Timor government fears that any attempt to prosecute those responsible for atrocities, including the powerful Indonesian generals, could undermine the fragile democratic process underway in both East Timor and Indonesia.

This relationship is often put to the test. Last year, the East Timor president, Ramos Horta, while recovering from his gun-shot wound operation in a Darwin hospital, criticised the involvement of some Indonesian elements in his shooting. Among them he included the Indonesian private TV Network (Metro TV) whom he censured for conducting an interview with the late deserted army leader Alfredo Reinaldo in an unknown location in Indonesia.

The allegation drew strong criticism from the Indonesian public. In an interactive live debate carried by Metro TV many Indonesians expressed outrage over the allegation and called on the Indonesian government to suspend bilateral relations with East Timor.

The tension remained and was only eased after the East Timor Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao, went to Indonesian to both clarify and formally apologise for the president’s remarks.

The report produced by the Timorese-Indonesian Commission Truth and Friendship (CTF) into crimes committed during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor from 1975 to 1999 is an example of where the East Timorese government tried to appease and avoid upsetting the Indonesian government. It focuses exclusively on events in 1999, ignoring even worse crimes against humanity in the previous 23 years of Indonesian occupation.

Advertisement

The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) (2009) in their 42-page analysis of the CTF’s report concluded that they avoided a number of important questions relating to institutional responsibility. Did senior officials instigate the violence or simply fail to prevent it? What was the role of discrete units, such as the Special Forces? Notably, the CTF report further fails to recommend the perpetrators to be brought to justice.

Although the CTF report did suggest that Indonesia’s military was responsible for “supporting” and equipping the militia units responsible for the massacres in 1999 and the many cases of torture and intimidation, some Timorese and Indonesian leaders now comfortably claim that the report implies that the two countries should put the past behind, bringing closure to the matter.

Balanced against the above, it can be argued that there are three main reasons why the policy of appeasement is necessary - security, economic trade and regional co-operation.

  1. Pages:
  2. Page 1
  3. 2
  4. 3
  5. All


Discuss in our Forums

See what other readers are saying about this article!

Click here to read & post comments.

2 posts so far.

Share this:
reddit this reddit thisbookmark with del.icio.us Del.icio.usdigg thisseed newsvineSeed NewsvineStumbleUpon StumbleUponsubmit to propellerkwoff it

About the Author

Dionisio Da Cruz Pereira is pursuing an M.Sc in International Development at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.

Other articles by this Author

All articles by Dionisio Da Cruz Pereira

Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

Photo of Dionisio Da Cruz Pereira
Article Tools
Comment 2 comments
Print Printable version
Subscribe Subscribe
Email Email a friend
Advertisement

About Us Search Discuss Feedback Legals Privacy