The 'gentle invaders'

While acknowledging these tensions it is difficult however, to identify a feminist or female unionist’s agenda which does not encompass or recognise women’s reproductive, legal, social, and political rights, alongside the traditional focus on economic rights.

This integrated approach is highlighted in the success of campaigns undertaken by feminist and women unionists which have facilitated monumental changes to women’s engagements with paid work; lifting of the marriage bar (1969), the right to maternity leave, and the 1969 “equal value for work of equal worth” ruling, the Sex Discrimination Act (1984) (C’th), and more recently, the campaign for publicly-funded Paid Maternity/Parental Leave.

Re-inventing narratives for action

Working with, and in spite of, the resistance, and at times, the outright hostility from male membership (and the broader community), women in unions have continued to campaign and engage with issues effecting women as workers. Similar to the early feminists, and their pioneering sisters in the union movement, these women learned not to rely on men in leadership to win their battles or pursue their causes. Sidelined in women’s committees and marginalised from the broader union agenda, the ground-breaking work of Zelda d’Aprano (1960s), Pat Giles (1970s-80s) and Jennie George (1990s) and Sharan Burrows (1990s - ongoing) is evidence of their steadfast determination for gender equality and equity both within and outside of the union movement.

On a broader scale, despite their often tumultuous journey, both the union and feminist movements within Australia must be acknowledged for their success in addressing women (and) workers needs in a rapidly changing social, political cultural and economic context.

At this moment in time both the union movement and feminism are positioned in a paradoxical situation. WorkChoices will be in use for another two years, the welfare reforms which changed rights to punishments, and the neo-liberal and neo-conservative discourses which rewarded some mothers and penalised others, remain as constraints in people’s everyday lives.

What is lacking and yet is vital to the survival of both unions and feminism is the (re)production of a new cultural narrative to inform how we understand, engage and represent people’s ongoing experiences, needs and aspirations.

Such a narrative is not formed through a single thread, response or strategy. Nor can it be created by one person. It is a narrative that has to acknowledge difference, respect and encourage diversity while maintaining an active commitment to equity, social justice and collective action.

It is a narrative which facilitates innovative and accessible expressions of people power; to engender political passion, public participation and broad-based activism; encourages, inspires and facilitates people’s connection with issues and interactions with other people, through action.

This narrative is not impossible to construct, nor is it one that is unfamiliar to many feminists and unionists. This essay has drawn on some of the ingredients in the telling of this story. It is a re-invented narrative, similar but different to the narratives that have guided and inspired Australian unionists and feminists for over 170 years. Like Zelda d’Aprano, perhaps we need to fantasise the possibilities and be prepared to action them as she was:

We both agreed that something more than just talking was needed to draw attention to the pay injustice meted out to women and more positive action was required. We began to fantasise women chaining themselves up like the suffragettes did, and jokingly asked ourselves, where could women chain themselves to make their protest effective? Quote from The Becoming of a Woman by Zelda d’Aprano.