As a result, Quinn candidates have won the majority of preselections in winnable
seats.
But Quinn failed to change the party's administration and old problems have
persisted. Ethnic branch-stacking in the Ryan electorate continues unabated, where
local federal member Michael Johnson uses his numbers to try to destroy his enemies,
who include incumbent councillors up for election in six months' time.
These numbers also are deployed at conventions. Out of about 480 Liberal delegates,
Johnson controlled 70, giving the Santoro faction the winning edge on a number
of executive positions.
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Johnson also is supporting strongly the legal appeal by Russell Galt against
the preselection result in Moggill, one of only three state seats they hold. You
would think that the Liberals would be able to sort this out relatively amicably
with an election so close.
The Prime Minister thought so and tried to broker a deal, but to no avail.
Incredibly, according to reports, Caltabiano is supporting the appeal, even though
it is against his handling of the preselection.
The current administration is inept at fundraising. While it claims to have
$200,000 in the bank, this is only enough to run the party for six months and
some of this is rumoured to be in barter dollars (which exchange for real dollars
at something less than 1:1).
Some point to the sale of the party's headquarters as a sign of the real state
of affairs. Apparently, the bank insisted that it go because the party hadn't
paid interest of $70,000 a year for the past three years.
Not only have these things disturbed the Tuckerites but they have disturbed
some in the Santoro faction. It already was ripe for a split after Santoro welched
on a factional agreement to elevate Brisbane academic Russell Trood to the senate
and took the spot himself. This upset former ally Bob Carroll, creating a third
separate faction. As a result, Quinn was able to broker a relationship dubbed
the coalition of the unwilling ? between Tucker and Carroll.
Unfortunately for Quinn, and for Howard, it was not enough as Johnson's numbers
more than made up the deficit.
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The plight of the Queensland Liberal party must keep Howard up at night and
shows just how thin a veneer holds the federal liberals in place. Federal intervention
is not an option.
Howard tried that after the last state election and was persuaded only last
year that the state branch could stand on its own feet. He can only watch and
hope that the meltdown doesn't actually affect his watch.
It is ironic that while recent polls show the Federal Liberal vote as being
strongest in Queensland, in the long term this branch is one of its major problems.
Howard will go down in history as one of Australia's most successful politicians,
but what will be left standing when he is gone?
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