Who is to blame for the Tibet uprising

China's state media coverage of the uprising shows local and People's Armed Police unprepared for the violence as screaming Tibetan mobs, rampaged through Lhasa burning, looting and beating innocent Chinese residents.

Beijing's propaganda ministry launched a media campaign reminiscent of 1950's revolutionary rhetoric citing the Dalai Lama as the instigator of an anti Chinese rebellion:

We must see through the secessionist forces' evil intentions, uphold the banner of maintaining social stability ... and resolutely crush the “Tibet independence” forces' conspiracy.

(Beijing) is vowing to resolutely crush anti-government protests in Tibet.

To distance PLA involvement, as had occurred in the bloody 1959 and 1989 massacres, official statements proclaimed "the PLA is not involved in the handling of the incidents".

Reliable independent reports and images debunk that claim, confirming the presence of PLA 13th Army elite rapid response units and armour in Lhasa, in transit on the Tibet Railway and on roads from 13th Army bases indicating orders were given prior to the boilover.

While the red star and all insignia on vehicles, equipment and soldier's uniforms were covered, it was the PLA's T-90 armoured personnel carriers and T-92 wheeled armoured vehicles, weapons, uniforms and troop convoys that locked down Lhasa and Tibet.

Tibetans and Chinese live in a time warp between two different worlds of cultural values and beliefs. Tibetan Buddhist culture requires faith and devotion, the antithesis of China's obsession with materialism and growth at any cost. China sees undeveloped land rich in natural resources as something to be developed, mined, industrialised, farmed and urbanised. Blocks of old mud brick houses, narrow streets with open air market places are considered backward and unhygienic.

How do Chinese see the Tibetans?

"A repressed, feudal, uneducated race, incapable of releasing the full potential of the land. We will improve their lifestyle and provide them with employment and education."

"We Chinese believe in working hard to make money to improve our lifestyle and educate our children. Even if they are given the opportunity to become rich, they prefer to donate any surplus money to the monasteries believing the monks will provide a life reward."

"The State sees its duty to instruct Tibetans to become civilized, hygienic modern subjects, willing to take up job opportunities in factories throughout China just as many millions of us Han Chinese do."

"The State has spent huge sums relocating Tibetans from a cruel feudal lifestyle and settling them into modern housing with electricity and building schools and universities. They should be grateful, but they are not."

"They reject all our generosity and do not deserve to share in the benefits from China bringing prosperity to Tibet. China has wasted billions in trying to bring prosperity to these white eyed wolves."

"We have no Tibetan friends or business associates. We have nothing in common and believe they are lazy and they hate us. They say we take away what belongs to them. But look at them. Showering once or twice in their life is sacred. To us Chinese, that is filthy, unhygienic and unacceptable."

"The Tibetans don't like us coming here. They think that Tibet is their country"

The Tibetan view:

The Chinese only see Tibet as space for their overcrowded nation to grow, plundering the natural resources and in so doing, destroy our sacred rivers, mountains and monasteries and turn rich grasslands into deserts.

Racial disharmony does not just happen. Individuals and policies succeed or fail to achieve racial harmony. Disharmony in Tibet can be traced back to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) policies on territorial expansion, ethnic minorities control, religious suppression and perceived Han Chinese superiority.

Drafting and implementation of CCP policy on "racial management" throughout China lies with three senior bureaucrats. They are:

Wang Lequan Politburo member and Xinjiang's senior bureaucrat with an impressive record in Xinjiang:

• architect of the model that repressed the Muslim culture;
• banned the Uyghur language in Uyghur schools;
• accelerated Han Chinese migration;
• sent 240,000 16- to 21-year-old Uyghur girls to work in east coast factories. An exercise in splitting families and diluting the Uyghur population by reducing marriageable female numbers in Xinjiang;
• March 10, 2008 Wang declared his policy on dealing with demonstrators: “No matter what nationality, no matter who it is, wreckers, separatists and terrorists will be smashed by us. There’s no doubt about that.”

Li Dezhu the CCP's racial theoretician, 3rd most influential bureaucrat and former head of the Ethnic Affairs: he was the first leader to proclaim that "the problem of minorities would be definitively solved by mass Han Chinese migration".

Li drafted the policy for "destroying independent cultures and disintegrating religious minorities by promoting materialism". The CCP journal Seeking the Truth published an expansion of his "cultural security" policy in 2007 proclaiming "the aim was no longer to preserve minority cultures such as the Tibetans, but to refashion them".

Zhang Qingli, protégé of Hu Jintao: he worked in Xinjiang with Wang Lequan before being promoted in 2005 to Party Secretary to Tibet.

After 1959 Tibet remained relatively quiet until Zhang implemented his "people’s war to exterminate dissent" following Li Dezhu's policy to prepare the way for Chinese mass migration, industrialisation, modernisation and militarisation of Tibet using the Tibet Railway.

Tibet was never a threat to China until this strategy created and exacerbated a non existent situation. Tibetans resented being marginalised, isolated and being reduced to a minority in their own land. Despair and fear for survival of their culture and identity became real and urgent with the crackdown and coming of the railway.

One disaster led to another. Zhang's introduction of Mao's philosophy of "changing man" made things worse. It referred to changing ethnic belief and lifestyle to conform to that of the State. Lacking understanding of Tibetan culture or Buddhism, Zhang implemented Li Dezhu's cultural security strategy to refashion Tibetan culture.

To destroy the Tibetan culture and Buddhism, monks suffered up to 18 days compulsory "patriotic education" a month under severe duress demanding they denounce the Dalai Lama and declare total allegiance to China.

Zhang's implemented Mao's philosophy "Conquering nature" - Mao's engineering solution to "problems created by nature" such as dams and mining minus environmental and ecological considerations. Mining mountains, damming and polluting rivers and lakes held sacred by the Tibetans, and the planned diversion of the sacred Brahmaputra River waters into Western China increased tensions.

Chinese entrepreneurs and miners, buoyed by the lack of enforcement of environmental legislation, responded to China's generous incentives resulting in widespread environmental degradation.

Zhang clarified his intentions during interviews in 2006, proclaiming a "life or death" battle against the Dalai Lama describing him as “a wolf in monk’s clothes, a devil with a human face”.

Other memorable racial harmony quotations included:

"those who do not love the motherland are not qualified to be human beings.”

"The Communist Party is like the parent to the Tibetan people, and it is always considerate about what the children need."

"China regarded the Tibetans as children who must be indoctrinated with a love of China, rather than a love of Buddhism."

"The Central Party Committee is the real Buddha for Tibetans."

Religion is State controlled in China. Christianity is restricted to state-controlled churches. Beijing appoints the Church hierarchy, overriding Holy See appointments and deliberately desecrated the pillar central to Buddhist belief.

Here is a recent Chinese law, effective September 1, 2007:

Living Buddha Reincarnation of the Tibetan Buddhist Management … Unless approved by the Government, the reincarnation of the living Buddha is illegal, null and void.

Beijing rejected international pressure and requests from the Dalai Lama for talks. The reason for rejection is simple. Beijing is waiting for the Dalai Lama to die. Beijing will then use the law to appoint a Dalai Lama of their choice to bring Tibetan Buddhism in line with official state policies.

Instruction in Tibetan was outlawed during the Cultural Revolution and replacing the Tibetan language with Chinese today is non negotiable. Beijing claims bilingual schools are widespread. On the ground it is very different. Chinese refuse to learn Tibetan and ignore Tibetan communication.

Researchers are inundated by a mass of glowing statistics suggesting outstanding success in racial harmony. Chinese aid built six universities, 118 secondary schools, seven intermediate schools and 880 elementary schools: 540,000 enrolments represent 96.5 per cent of the school age population. Sixty per cent of the population completed nine years of compulsory education.

Researchers on the ground however look beyond the statistics and see a different picture and Tibet. Enrolments are dominated by Chinese. Access to Tibetan schools without a Chinese minder is impossible. Researchers risk arrest and expulsion to learn the truth. Experience and a working knowledge of China's statistical methodology reveal a different set of numbers.

Tibetan resettlement programs deliberately isolate Tibetans from Chinese. Bilingual schools are "show case primaries" for visiting foreigners and dignitaries.

A Tibetan graduate will find no employment opportunities in Tibet and are forced to seek employment in China's industrialised centres.

Tibet's real 48 per cent literacy rate is due to China's policies.

Zhang accelerated resettlement programs using Li Dezhu's social engineering strategy that including the "Namdrang Rangdrik" ("Do-It-Yourself Program").

By 2008, 570,000 farmers and herders from 112,000 households across Tibet were relocated in new "modern socialist villages". By the end of 2010, 80 per cent will become "urbanites" under the "comfortable housing program to present a modern face for the ancient region". Tibetans are forced to abandon traditional lifestyles and livelihood when relocated into small isolated groups for ease of monitoring and control.

The generous aid is difficult to find. "Namdrang Rangdrik" heaps injustice upon injustice on Tibetans, forced to accept government loans and Chinese bank loans for houses they do not want or can afford. The program only benefits Tibetans who can afford the deposit and secure the bank loan. They must also contribute free manual labour during construction. Complaints invite immediate forfeiture of housing rights.

Houses cost US$5,000 to US$6,000. The Government lends about US$1,200 for construction. Bank loans and family cash make up the rest. Despite having started, or even having completed building while contributing substantial labour, default on loans forfeits the right of occupancy. There is no provision for those who cannot qualify. They are relocated "quietly" to remote areas with minimal assistance.

Few of these "modern face" houses have water or electricity. "Show villages" along the tourist roads boast minimal electricity or water. New housing have no yards, gardens or provision to keep livestock. Removed from their lifestyle they must now buy food.

Harsher policies only strengthen the resolve of Tibetans, especially the younger exiles now questioning the Dalai Lama's “middle way”. One Tibetan summed it up very simply:

There's been this hatred for a long time. Sometimes you would even wonder how we had avoided open confrontation for so many years. This is a hatred that cannot be solved by arresting a few people.

If we did not believe in Buddhism, we would have rioted a long time ago. We endured and endured, but now it has become impossible to endure any more.

We're not sure if it's true that the Panchen was appointed by the government, but if it is true, we cannot support him. We wouldn't support a Dalai Lama appointed by the government either. These people should be chosen by monasteries.

Discontent had been smouldering throughout "old Tibet" for over a year, each demonstration becoming more violent. None were reported despite injuries, extensive property damage and deaths (including police).

Recent reliable reports suggest the uprising was deliberately engineered to justify the use of lethal force during the run up to the Olympics. British intelligence GCHQ intercepts, imply police disguised as Buddhist monks actively initiated violence. State media images of a monk wielding a sword in one videoed incident were later edited to remove the "monk" who was identified as a local policeman. Reports of police standing by videoing serious incidents but failing to intervene, even with the numbers to do so, tends to support the claim that incidents were staged.

CCP policies planted the dynamite and Zhang lit the fuse. The old strategies of 1959 and 1989 engineered incidents and the PLA pulled the triggers.

Who is to blame?