Crucially, many of Franklin's gay immigrants have been quickly accepted and taken on leadership roles in their community. Some have become spokespeople for change. Others have been "adopted" by long-term, older residents whose own children left many years ago and rarely return. Many have joined community service clubs or are employers who, in an area of traditionally high unemployment and low-skilled jobs, inspire great loyalty in their employees and their employees’ families.
All this adds up to a level of social and economic integration which exceeds that of gay inner-city dwellers. This social interconnection, plus the tight-knit nature of Tasmanian towns, means that the ideas and needs of our new gay residents are rapidly and profoundly influencing those around them.
Country mayors, sporting champions and regional news editors who were vocally homophobic just a few years ago, are now passionate advocates against gay discrimination. Local pubs that once advertised anti-gay meetings now fly rainbow flags.
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Yes, there is still discrimination, some of it quite overt. But such prejudice is not the norm it once was. It is a reaction to irreversible change and elicits condemnation that would have been unimaginable ten years ago.
In short, Franklin’s gay immigrants are not only just a new and colourful thread in the electorate’s social fabric. They are barometers and agents of its changing aspirations. They are the new doctor’s wives.
Canny local politicians are aware of this profound transformation.
Even before she was endorsed as the Liberal candidate in Franklin, Vanessa Goodwin, was inviting gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (GLBT) community representatives to address her local party branch.
Two weeks ago she happily subjected herself to questioning at a GLBT election forum in Hobart and was prepared to sign a pledge against election gay-hate until her party stopped her.
Goodwin's position is based on her small "l" liberal values. But it also makes good sense electorally.
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As a new-comer she is relatively untainted by the Howard Government's poor record on same-sex couples. In the eyes of those gay constituents whose economic interests lie on the right, she holds out the hope of a rejuvenated, progressive Liberal Party.
This means every time Kevin Rudd spruiks his opposition to same-sex marriage, or worse, if he falls back from his party's commitment to same-sex de facto recognition, Liberal candidates like Goodwin become a viable option for gay constituents and benefit in terms of both pink votes and dollars.
Jim Wallace might intervene at this point of my argument by highlighting the fact that Franklin contains the very religious dormitory town of Kingston (with at least one mega-church). My response is: where else will their votes end up but with the Liberals? Wallace's attempt to spread the impact of the Christian vote is too little too late.
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