The re-Mara-isation of Fiji

During 2006, former Police Commissioner Andrew Hughes, who, as a senior AFP officer would well recall the Fitzgerald Inquiry and similar investigations into police and official corruption here, occasionally opined along these lines: Fiji needs a major “clean out” of corruption.

Problems for Fiji with this scenario are its small population - three-quarters that of metropolitan Brisbane - it’s significantly smaller and far more vulnerable economy, its uneven governance infrastructure, and a severe talent dearth. Not because Fiji doesn't have suitably qualified lawyers and investigators; there aren't enough to go around normal lawyerly activities and properly staff or appear before a serious, and certainly lengthy, inquiry which, among many other things, must puncture Fiji's notorious “cones of silence” which have seriously retarded investigations into the 2000 crisis. Commissioner Hughes also occasionally gave voice to his frustration at Fiji's “cones of silence”.

Only Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, the ousted vice-president, has the necessary combination of traditional mana and modern legal expertise to head a Fijian Commission of Inquiry: it must be headed by an impeccable Fijian and a bunch of excoriating investigative lawyers and incorruptible police, like Fitzgerald's indomitable “Untouchables”, is needed to staff the thing. (I developed these arguments in my second Web Diary piece in mid-December, 2006.)

In January, Commodore Frank asked for Australian and New Zealand assistance with investigating alleged corruption in the Qarase Government, and conducting a long delayed census (which hasn't occurred since 1996) preparatory to revising electoral rolls, and holding elections to return Fiji to civilian rule. The snap 2006 election, which returned the Qarase Government, was conducted without these needed, and usually routine, administrative reviews being done.

By week's end, the Kiwis were warily interested in helping Fiji as requested by Commodore Frank, but Canberra flatly refused to have anything to do with assisting Fiji with a corruption investigation because the request was coming from an illegitimate, coup-installed, regime.

"Australia will not do anything to encourage or support the illegitimate Government's efforts to discredit the democratically elected government it overthrew by force of arms," a DFAT spokesperson told ABC News, later reported by PacNews.

Commodore Frank also wants to recall the former deputy director of public prosecutions, Peter Ridgeway, an Australian lawyer, who was suddenly sacked in the middle of 2005. The suspicion was Mr Ridgeway's investigations were getting too close to charging the financiers of the Speight-fronted putsch, and other miscreants with close links to the Qarase Government. Mr Ridgeway did not dismiss the recall suggestion outright, but told ABC Radio's AM a proper authority would need to be in place to give him the needed powers to return to his work.

Ratu Epeli Ganilau, appointed to the crucial Fijian Affairs portfolio, is Ratu Epeli Nailatikau's brother in law, son of former President, the late Sir Penaia Ganilau, also military commander between 1992 and 1999, recommended Commodore Frank succeed him, and was Chair of the Great Council of Chiefs when Laisenia Qarase disrespectfully removed him in July, 2004 for his public criticisms of more extreme nationalist policies being pursued by the Qarase Government.

He's also the leader of Ratu Mara's old political party, the National Alliance. Ratu Epeli Ganilau's removal won the Qarase Government few points, even among its more nationalist supporters. As Fijian Affairs Minister, Ratu Epeli at least has the credibility to be taken seriously as he grapples with certainly Fiji's most difficult issue - land.

The other announced new interim government ministers are spread across ethnic and political groupings, and as of this writing, no serious criticisms have been mounted against the appointees, except in Fiji's blogsphere, and for the circumstances which led to their appointment subsequent to a coup. They certainly don't appear to represent an organised cabal of self-serving military stooges jostling to get their own snouts and trotters into the trough after chasing the last lot out of the pig pen.

A fortnight ago, the constitutionally-legitimated Fiji Human Rights Commission's Director, Dr Shaista Shameem, released her controversial analysis of the Bainimarama coup, basically arguing the two Qarase Governments, elected in the 2001 and 2006, were illegal and that, to protect Fiji from the extreme policies of the Qarase Government, the military had the constitutional responsibility to act. Needless to say, Dr Shameem was roundly criticised from several quarters, including by several leading lawyers and NGOs. It was a pity her 32-page paper was not heavily annotated and footnoted (PDF via Fijivillage.com).

Some wry amusement came when Peter Foster reappeared, with videos secretly shot, of SDL party officials apparently explaining how they rorted the 2006 election in some key Suva electorates. The military promptly fed the videos to Fiji TV and beyond. If Forster thought his efforts for the military would get him out of court on immigration and fraud charges, he was mistaken, and now appears to have done another flit.