Last year, The New York Times featured the headline:
"Singapore, hoping for a baby boom, makes sex a civic duty". The
report continued: "Here in strait-laced Singapore, it's the new
patriotism: Have sex.
"Alarmed by its declining birthrate, this tiny city-state of just
four million people is urging its citizens to multiply as fast as they
can."
"We need more babies," proclaimed Prime Minister Goh Chok
Tong.
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Another article in the Straits Times, which featured the
headline "Let's get on the love wagon", included tips for having
sex in the back seat of a car, with directions to "some of the
darkest, most secluded and most romantic spots for Romeos and
Juliets".
I am not advocating procreation as a civic duty for Australians, simply
highlighting a smart country that has recognised the importance of
sustaining its population and taken steps to address its declining
birthrate.
Australia must also start addressing this serious issue.
The Singapore Government is offering cash to couples who have second
and third children. It is also spending $50 million over five years to
educate the public on family life.
Australia's population is ageing rapidly. One reason is that
Australians are living longer. In 1901, the average life expectancy was 55
years. Today it is 76 for men and 82 for women, and that is expected to
increase.
Another reason is that the great post-war baby-boomer generation is
about to enter retirement and, in 15 to 20 years' time, will become the
old-age generation.
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This is what I call the numerical ageing of the population. The real
problem, however, is structural ageing caused by the decline in
Australia's fertility rate.
For more than two decades, our fertility rate has been below what is
required to sustain the population. It is currently 1.7 babies per woman,
and is expected to drop to 1.5.
There are limits to what governments can do about boosting fertility
rates, but it is important we do something.
We ignore the falling fertility rate at our peril. Every year we fail
to tackle it is a precious year wasted, so far as future generations and
the economic welfare of the country is concerned.
We know that the number of new entrants to the workforce is expected to
decline from 170,000 a year today to an average of 12,500 a year between
2020 and 2030. That will have major consequences for the economy and where
we find workers to provide services for an ageing population.
We need a twin approach to our ageing population; one that deals with
the consequences of ageing and another that starts to address the causes.
The British academic Catherine Hakim, in Work-Lifestyle Choices in
the 21st Century, classifies women's, or families', work-lifestyle
preferences into three categories: 20 per cent are home-centred, 20 per
cent are work-centred, and the remaining 60 per cent are adaptive.
Hakim states that the 60 per cent group is "very responsive"
to government social policy, employment policy, equal opportunities etc.
If that is the case, that is further argument for beginning to tackle the
fertility issue, as opposed to seeing it as too hard.
Importantly, Hakim also states that economic policies should reflect
the fact that women are not a homogenous group and families' situations
will change in a lifetime.
Too often, the voices in this debate reflect only the work-centred
group. Families do want to be adaptive. For example, surveys of families
show time and again that one parent likes to be at home for the first few
years of their child's life. They might then want options for part-time
work and so on.
We need to test any policies to deal with Australia's ageing population
against three policy objectives: Does it help promote a work/family
balance? Does it increase the fertility rate? Does it promote retirement
savings and income, particularly for women?
Providing paid maternity leave will not affect the work/family balance,
will have little, if any, affect on fertility rates and will do nothing to
enhance retirement savings and income for women.
We also need to address the issue of workability, which is a particular
issue for "adaptive" women with young families and older
workers.
Workability is about providing optimum conditions for people to enter
and re-enter the workforce, regardless of their age or other
circumstances, such as their family life. Both employers and employees
have responsibilities in this area. Employers can provide more flexible
work hours and child-friendly workplaces and work practices, while
employees must keep updating their skills and knowledge.
As well as encouraging childless couples to have children, the real
emphasis must be on encouraging families that have one or two children to
have another.
There are at least two obstacles to bigger families: the financial
cost, and people simply running out of time.
With people marrying later, that is going to be a huge challenge. If
you want to tackle the declining fertility rate, you have to make it more
attractive for people to marry in their 20s.
How do we create the conditions under which people will marry earlier
while still allowing them to meet all their other aspirations?
In relation to the financial costs, Hakim takes up the idea of paying
parents a home-care allowance for the mother, or father, who stays at home
full-time to care for children.
She says the money can be regarded as a wage for childcare at home, as
a partial replacement for savings forgone, or it can be used as a subsidy
for purchased childcare services that enable the parent to return to work,
either part-time or full-time.
As Hakim states, few welfare states offer a home-care allowance to
parents, but the idea is popular. She mentions a successful scheme in
Finland introduced in the 1980s that allows parents to choose between
publicly provided child-care services and a cash benefit for child care at
home.
A similarly generous French scheme, introduced in 1986, is also
popular, Hakim states, because it fits the preferences of adaptive women
as well as home-centred women, rather than being targeted at a single
group.
Hakim states that even modest home-care payments to mothers attract an
immediate, positive response because they provide public recognition for
the parenting role, and renew its social value by providing the mother
with a minimum "salary" for their work.
Hakim argues it is possible to design policies to offer advantages to
women and men generally, rather than to narrowly defined subgroups.
"The challenge for politicians and policy makers in the 21st century
is to design policies that are neutral between the three preference
groups."
Whatever choice Australia takes, it will only be a start. To do nothing
is to walk away from our responsibilities to the future.