The NALSAS strategy was based on re-skilling local language teachers within each state education department. For example, many French and German teachers were funded to learn the basic elements of Japanese for primary or secondary classes. Although several studies during the 1990s had recommended the recruitment of foreign-background teachers to solve the need, however these recommendations were not progressed by successive government strategies, most probably due to opposition from the teachers’ unions.
During the period of 1984-1998, spanning the pre-tsunami period and the implementation of NALSAS, the number of Japanese learners in Australia increased from 19,789 to 307,760; and was estimated by a Department of Education, Science and Training report to be over 400,000 by 2002.
So, based on a class size of 20, the number of classes that required Japanese language teachers in Australia leapt from approximately 1,000 to 20,000 in less than a generation.
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In an amusing digression, and despite recent politically-based changes to the program’s name and appearance, Asian and Japanese language studies in Australia continue to enjoy bipartisan political support. Although the NALSAS strategy was axed by the Liberal Government in 2002-3 (fig.1); it was only to be replaced in 2006 by another strategy under the rubric of the “Asia Education Foundation”, which is very similar in appearance, and with substantially the same aims (fig.2).
Spot the difference: “They all look the same to me”
Figure 1. The former (Labor) National Asian Languages and Studies in Australian Schools Strategy (1994-2002).
Figure 2. The current (Liberal) Asia Education strategy (2006 - ? )
Despite this clear political support for foreign language teaching, Australia’s education system remains among the most difficult in the world for a foreign teacher to access, saving perhaps France. The governments of nearly all other countries actively recruit from overseas.
For example, Japan has its world-famous JET program, which distributes thousands of English-language teachers, many of whom have little or no Japanese, throughout their high schools. China, Korea, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia all have a voracious demand for English teachers. Most Australian teachers can easily wander into a job in the UK, New Zealand, much of South America and Africa, and practically anywhere in Europe east of Switzerland.
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Nor is this to say that foreign-speaking teachers have absolutely no means of entry to Australia’s schools. Non-citizens and non-residents can apply through the Department of Immigration for a visa to teach in Australia, and if successful, these visas are recognised by state education departments. Nevertheless, while DIMA lists a number of teaching categories as priorities for skilled migration intake, including ironically ESL teachers, foreign-language teachers are not on the priority list.
There also remains a crucial language-based obstacle in Australia that is not so prevalent in Japan; for Australia demands a high level of English proficiency for any teaching position. In most cases, an International English Language Testing System (IELTS) score of 5.5-6.0 (advanced) would be required. There exists few such language requirements for Japanese elementary or secondary schools; which can recruit teachers of elementary or indeed no Japanese language proficiency if they wish. (The standard of Japanese required to work in university of course remains very high.)
As a result, the Australian education system has relatively few foreign-background teachers in language departments, whereas in Japan, the proportion of foreigners is substantial. A 1993 survey of 582 Japanese teachers in Australia found only 62 were native speakers, and that at that time Australian schools did not recognise native-speakers’ existing teaching qualifications.
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