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A tussle between idealism and pragmatism

By Mirko Bagaric - posted Wednesday, 14 June 2006


We’ve had control orders for years. If you hassle an ex-partner or neighbour they can swan down to the local court and control your movements by getting an intervention or restraining order which limits where you can go and who you can communicate with. Detention without trial is a stock-in-trade risk management practice - that’s why a “no vacancy” sign is often erected at Remand Centres across the country.

The government did, however, get it wrong in relation to the sedition provisions. There is a big difference between saying something and doing it. Also, the best way to nullify loopy views is to dowse them with copious doses of reality. Making extreme views illegal only drives them underground where they are not subject to counter analysis, thereby increasing the risk that they will in fact be adopted by others.

The government knew that the sedition offence was a mistake. Its justification for the offence was weak and at the last minute it watered down the offence by providing a defence to the media. Despite this, it was never going to fully back down on this front. It already buckled on the proposed shoot to kill provisions and it didn’t want a pattern of yielding to outside pressure to emerge. Pride, even when it is patently misplaced, still goes a long way in the political arena.

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Fortunately there is no real risk that the sedition offence (which is currently under review) will be abused. This law is merely a modern version of an offence that has been in existence but not been used for decades.

Thus, the counter-terrorism laws are no different in nature to existing investigative measures. The difference is only one of degree - as is the size of the threat.

The notion of accountability further explains the discord between the government and the community on the one hand and the libertarians of the other regarding the merits of the laws. Accountability spurns responsibility which induces pragmatism. If a bomb explodes in Australia, the community will look to the government for explanations.

In a tussle between idealism and pragmatism, the latter always wins the day. That’s why even pacifist parents have been known to smack their children to prevent them from again racing across the road.

This explains why governments in the United States and United Kingdom have introduced similar counter-terrorism measures. It is not that all these governments are compromised of unintelligent, authoritarian individuals. Rather, it is simply that they don’t have the luxury of expounding the sort of teenage idealism that comes with having no accountability for errors of judgment.

Thus, the government was always going to introduce measures of the type that are in contained in the counter-terrorism package. Moreover, future governments will react in exactly the same manner.

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Idealists don’t get to govern democratic countries. We are aware that their high sounding principles are a threat to our common good. At best we let them have active observer status, where they can sound off in Parliament but lack the power to do anything. That’s why the Greens and Democrats have exhausted their support bases.

Will the counter-terrorism measures work? They will help so long as they are used sharply to focus on genuine terrorist suspects as opposed to being employed as crude measures to target significant portions of the Muslim community. Still there is no guarantee that we won’t be subjected to a terrorist attack.

In any event, the government by passing the new laws has acquired an insurance policy if an attack does occur. It can say that it did all it reasonably could to avert such an event.

And certainly civil libertarians couldn’t argue against this. Then again, when you have no accountability you get to say what you want. One thing you won’t see is a “we were wrong” statement from them when with the passing of time we find that the skies haven’t fallen in as a result of the counter-terrorism measures.

Not that they need to. That’s one of the splendours of living in a robust democracy - a democracy that has served us well with the passage of the laws.

Next time, it will serve us even better if the libertarians spare us the trouble of putting us to the task of sorting out the facts from the hyperbole and if they learn that in the end the common good will (and should) prevail over shallow notions of individual rights.

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About the Author

Mirko Bagaric, BA LLB(Hons) LLM PhD (Monash), is a Croatian born Australian based author and lawyer who writes on law and moral and political philosophy. He is dean of law at Swinburne University and author of Australian Human Rights Law.

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