National watchdog is needed

ICAC and the CMC were established by conservative state governments and subsequent Labor administrations enhanced their powers to deal with corruption and maladministration. They are so independent that they can embark on their own inquiries and set their own terms of reference.

In addition to ICAC in NSW, there are strong freedom of information laws and the Police Integrity Commission, which also has the powers of a standing royal commission.

Since Labor won office in that state in 1995, there have been no fewer than 99 ICAC investigations. ICAC is also a vital mechanism for anyone dissatisfied with the integrity of government decision-making. Premiers, ministers, ministerial staff and senior public servants have all made appearances there, in full public view.

In Queensland, notwithstanding the sweeping powers given to its CMC, the state has also had several high-profile royal commissions, most notably the Shepherdson Inquiry set up by Premier Peter Beattie to investigate improper behaviour by members of his own party and government.

The inquiry was held on the eve of the 2001 Queensland election, which Beattie won in a landslide. His success in that campaign gives the lie to suggestions that royal commissions are always bad news for governments. By embracing the recommendations - rather than just adopting them - Beattie was identified as a champion of reform.

On the other hand, the prime minister has gone out of his way, time and again, to avoid such levels of accountability and independent scrutiny.

In 10 years Howard has held only three royal commissions and now the Cole Inquiry, which has less power than a royal commission. It's also worth noting that two of these royal commissions were aimed squarely at his old foes: the ALP and the building unions. Hardly an outstanding record of accountability.

At the same time, in the face of overwhelming evidence Howard has refused to hold royal commissions into cases that undoubtedly deserved them. Notably, the immigration department's role in Cornelia Rau's detention and Vivian Alvarez Solon's wrongful deportation.

Once again, a standing anti-corruption body would have investigated both matters; set its own terms of reference and decided who would be compelled to give evidence.

Politicians, regardless of their political persuasion, rarely welcome increased accountability or scrutiny. But the time has come for Australia to have the national equivalent of NSW's ICAC or Queensland's CMC.

There must be a mechanism to ensure accountability and transparency when serious allegations of impropriety arise.