Indigenous policy over the past 30 years
has been a crazy quilt of varying and
inconsistent laws, failed attempts at
Indigenous "consultative" bodies
and mismatched administrations divided
between the bureaucracies of Federal,
State and Territory governments.
It was hoped the overwhelming "yes"
vote in the 1967 referendum would signal
a new approach by federal governments
to overcome the endemic social problems
in Aboriginal communities left in the
wake of crude acts of governments to dispossess Aboriginal people of their land, culture
and children.
The recent decision by the current Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Philip Ruddock,
regarding ATSIC
has a sense of deja vu about it.
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It takes us back to a time 30 years ago
when the first clumsy steps were taken
towards setting up an elected national
Indigenous consultative structure.
Have we have learned anything from the
failure of the two national consultative
bodies - the National
Aboriginal Consultative Committee (NACC)
and the National Aboriginal Congress (NAC)
- or are we bound to repeat history?
ATSIC's role combined consultation, advocacy
and policy development, monitoring of
other government departments' performance
and administration of some of the programs
in the Indigenous affairs budget - such
as CDEP (the Work for the Dole scheme),
community housing and infrastructure and
later areas like native title.
All other services concerned with improving
the lot of Indigenous people, especially
in the areas of education, health, domestic
violence and high rates of incarceration
remain with their various federal departments.
The problem, as I see it, is that government
administrators, mission managers and now
bureaucrats have continued to be the dominant
players in the lives of Indigenous Australians
and the problems in Indigenous communities
are largely the result of failed federal
policy.
ATSIC was a flawed model from the very
start. First, it was created as an agency
of government and second, it has never
enjoy cross-party support - even before
it was established.
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Our current Prime Minister argued rabidly
against the creation of ATSIC in 1989
saying, "…that if the government
wants to divide Australian against Australian,
if it wants to create a black nation within
the Australian nation, it should go ahead
with its ATSIC legislation and its treaty.
In the process, it will be doing a monumental
disservice to the Australian community".
The heavily amended legislation ensured
- and time has shown - the creation of
ATSIC has done nothing of the sort.
There are many still in public life today
who rail against Indigenous Australians
exercising their right to have a say in
their lives in any way.
Philip Ruddock's recent decision is a
case in point and he has been accompanied
most vociferously by the likes of Peter
Howson, who continue to espouse that
service delivery based on need for one
racial group in this country is tantamount
to "separatism".
It is this prevailing attitude that has
made Indigenous Australians tax-eaters
rather than tax-makers thereby compounding
the fact that organisations like ATSIC
and the newly proposed Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Services Agency,
will forever delegate responsibility for
Indigenous lives to faceless white bureaucrats
rather than Indigenous people themselves.
The problems within Indigenous communities
are not incurable and nor can they be
achieved by well-meaning but small economic
initiatives alone.
First, there is an urgent need to develop
a uniform, consistent and accurate national
database on Indigenous demography. I have
repeatedly called upon the Howard government
to undertake this important measure so
that the effectiveness of programs and
services delivered and expenditure can
be measured.
Second, currently there are no national
benchmarks and standards to address Indigenous
disadvantage. Without these, how is it
possible to measure government performance,
measure Indigenous community self-sufficiency
and achievement, and provide some level
of confidence to the broader community
that their taxpayer dollars are getting
results?
Philip Ruddock's decision will lead to
an increasing financial dependence by
black people upon white society for three
main reasons.
First, he has excluded Indigenous people
from the decision-making processes and
no thought has been given to the compounding
effect of diminishing the power of ATSIC
upon Indigenous people and likewise, their
service delivery organisations.
Second, his government lacks vision and
he has been unable to enunciate clearly
defined goals and ways of reaching them.
Third, we Indigenous people do not suffer
from a lack of policy but rather a lack
of implementation and unless the Howard
government is prepared to make some serious
financial commitments in this year's budget,
then it is unlikely that anything will
be cured.
Finally, governments need to be reminded
that every time history repeats itself,
the price goes up and the cost to taxpayers
of the government's mismanagement of Indigenous
Affairs is rising daily.