The Howard government has replaced the independence of Australia's views with a policy of compliance. When did it ever express a view on how Iraq should be administered once the occupation was in place? Where was its position on the premature dissolution of the Iraqi National Army? What was its view, as an occupying power, on dismissing school teachers and public servants in the de-Ba'athification program?
What did it have to say on the regime for prisoners in Abu Ghraib and other detention facilities? What was Australia's position on the way contracts were awarded to foreign companies for reconstruction? The Provisional Authority's decisions saw Iraqis increasingly submerging, hurt and angry, into traditional tribal, ethnic and religious groupings, with bitterness and a non co-operative attitude to the occupying forces.
Our ally's interests have not been advanced. Our opponents in the war on terror see nothing but gains. Yet from Australia there has been neither warning nor argument, just passive acceptance.
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The bigger issue is this: the government's failure to influence the course of events in Iraq, both during and after the initial conflict, and to prevent significant harm to our ally's standing. This is the real cost of Iraq to the free world.
Labor has always believed that Australia's military commitments should be time-limited when they are undertaken in regions where Australia does not have strong permanent interests. This was the case in Afghanistan. A Labor government will withdraw the Australian troops operating in Iraq under Operation Catalyst by the end of 2004. We will follow appropriate advice to ensure the security of the Australian diplomatic mission in Baghdad.
In Iraq, the United Nations has committed itself to nation-building and put in place a timetable for full sovereignty. Labor welcomes the increased involvement of the United Nations in Iraq. Labor has consistently said that we would respond positively to a new UN resolution.
The best contribution we can make is to help rebuild Iraq, its services and infrastructure. This will happen in four significant ways under a Labor government, at an additional cost to the Budget of $75 million over two years.
Our first commitment is to border security, so vital to Iraq's economic and social development. Our Customs Service has helped a number of developing countries strengthen their border controls and customs arrangements. A Labor government will work closely with the Iraqi authorities and the United States to provide additional expertise, training and resources for border security.
Our second priority is health care and humanitarian aid. Our proposals there include a specialist oncology hospital in Baghdad, training for Iraqi health-care providers and interventions to reduce infant, child and maternal mortality.
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The UN is one of the three pillars of Labor’s foreign policy and our third contribution will be to the UN mission in Iraq. UN Resolution 1546 calls for nations to protect the Iraq mission. Both sides of politics agree that Australia can not contribute fighting troops or peacekeepers to this UN force.
However, we are ready to contribute 20 to 30 non-combatant personnel (service or civilian) to assist with logistics planning, strategy and administrative support so the UN can encourage a new democracy to emerge under its mandate and guidance
This policy allows us to maintain our commitment to withdraw from the Coalition forces in Iraq by Christmas, while meeting Labor's long-held determination to support the UN and its operations.
This is an edited transcript of a speech To The Australian Institute Of International Affairs in Sydney on 12 July 2004. The full text can be found here.
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