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Palestinian statehood or setting the stage for the next catastrophic war

By Alon Ben-Meir - posted Wednesday, 18 December 2024


Of special significance is that three Western European countries, Ireland, Norway, and Spain, have recognized Palestine this year, which may encourage other European states to follow suit. There is no escaping the reality that the Palestinians have made significant inroads into the international arena in support of a Palestinian state.

The Israeli government

The current Israeli government led by Netanyahu is unmatched as the most extremist right-wing government since Israel's creation. It is bent on annexing most of the West Bank and reestablishing Israeli settlements in Gaza. Two of its most radical right-wing ministers, National Security Minister Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Smotrich have stated that the Palestinians, not Israel, are the occupiers of Jewish land. Smotrich recently said, "The new Nazis need to pay a price through land that will be permanently taken from them, both in Gaza and in Judea and Samaria... we were just a step away from applying sovereignty over the settlements in Judea and Samaria, and now the time has come to do it."

Ben-Gvir and Smotrich were salivating to recall the 2019 statement of Mike Huckabee, Trump's nominee for US Ambassador to Israel, that he believes Israel has the right to annex significant parts of the West Bank and added that there was no such thing as a settlement or even a Palestinian people. And Steven Witkoff, whom Trump appointed as his special envoy to the Middle East, is also a staunch supporter of Israel. For Netanyahu, these appointees' positions align ideologically with his government's policies. There is nothing more ominous for Israel if, indeed, the government implements such a plan that will shatter the Palestinians' final glimmer of hope, as it will lead to horrific consequences unless Trump prevents it from happening.

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Trump faces a historic opportunity

Trump may well be in the best position to start a genuine Israeli-Palestinian peace process that will eventually lead to Palestinian statehood. Given his commitment to Israel's security and well-being, he must not allow Israel to annex any more territory in the West Bank or resettle in Gaza, as this will only set the stage for the next horrific conflagration and throw the entire region into unprecedented turmoil.

Being an ardent supporter of Israel, and due to the affinity that most Israelis hold towards him, Trump is in a much stronger position than many of his predecessors, not only to call for a two-state solution but act on it. During his first term in office, Trump put forward a peace deal that recognized Palestinian statehood, which was a sharp departure from past proposals; it did not call for the evacuation of Israeli settlements, which is supported by a vast majority of Israelis.

Working toward Palestinian statehood would dramatically allay the Jordanians' deep anxiety about their country's stability, meet the Saudis' demand to establish a Palestinian state as a prerequisite to the normalization of relations with Israel, give hope to the Palestinians that the day of their salvation is near, and temper extremism and anti-Israeli sentiments while depriving Iran and its "axis of resistance" from exploiting the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to advance their regional agendas.

The biggest obstacle Trump will face is the current Israeli government, which has sworn to never allow the creation of a Palestinian state. They seem to have learned nothing from decades of occupation that has only intensified Palestinian militancy, culminating in Hamas' savagery and Israel's retaliatory war. Now, this messianic government wants to annex much of the West Bank, resettle in Gaza, and plunge Israel into interminable violence and destruction unseen before. Indeed, whereas Israel can prevail over any external enemy, the enemy from within is the current Israeli government, which must be dislodged before any agreement can be reached.

For Trump to revive the "deal of the century," he will have to go over the head of Netanyahu and address the Israeli public directly and point out the stark reality that the Israelis have and continue to be oblivious to but must live with. He should emphasize that:

Nearly seven million Palestinians are living in the West Bank, Gaza and Israel proper, which is equal to the number of Jews living in Israel and the West Bank. By what means and for how much longer, he must ask, can Israel dominate and oppress the Palestinians of an equivalent population with no endgame in sight?

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Ninety percent of all Palestinians were born under occupation; they will deprive Israel of a day of peace until they free themselves from the shackles of the occupation that has dehumanized them and robbed them of their dignity.

Coexistence is not one of many options; it is the only option. The Israelis must choose to live in peace or maintain a state of constant hostilities while poisoning one generation after another to be consumed by hatred and disdain toward the Palestinians.

Israel has lost much of its moral international standing and more tragically, it is losing its very reason for being. An increasing number of diaspora Jewry feel betrayed by the country they viewed as the sanctuary for any Jew who wants to live in peace and security.

Conclusion

It is impossible to overestimate the intractable issues between Israel and the Palestinians that must be addressed to reach a peace agreement. But however painful that might be, it will pale if compared to the alternative of continuing death and destruction that will destroy one generation after another.

Trump faces a historic opportunity. He can lay the foundation for a Palestinian state or set the stage for the next catastrophic war. His appointment of an extraordinarily supportive team of Israel gives him the latitude and credibility to persuade the Israelis that only a two-state solution offers them peace and security, and his "Deal of the Century" provides the framework to that end.

 

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About the Author

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a professor of international relations at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He teaches courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

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