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Donald Trump and Peter Dutton have both embraced populism. Are working-class voters buying it?

By David Smith - posted Tuesday, 22 October 2024


And they don’t need them like they once did. Dynastic wealth in both countries has seen the ascendancy of private companies owned by super-rich individuals and families. These, not corporate donors, are now the most consistent sources of financial and political support for conservative parties.

These changing conditions have given Republicans and Liberals a free hand to make big business – never a popular entity – into a target of populist campaigns.

Many of their attacks are about “wokeness”. But not all. Consumer protection has also become an opportune theme, given the cost of living crisis in both the United States and Australia.

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Trump, for instance, has floated capping credit card interest rates at 10%. Dutton has proposed using the government’s divestiture powers to break up supermarket and hardware chains that are accused of using their monopoly power to exploit consumers and suppliers.

They can propose these ideas because voters usually trust the Republican and Liberal parties more than their opponents on economic issues. Most Democratic and Labor politicians would be unwilling to take populist measures that far because of their perennial fears of being seen as economically irresponsible.

But when it comes to actually siding with workers over business, a different picture emerges.

The Republican romance with ‘union workers’

As president, Trump had a notably anti-union record. His appointees to the National Labor Relations Board, which enforces labour law, consistently ruled against unions.

In Trump’s current campaign to re-enter the White House, unions have criticised him for holding a rally appealing to “union workers” at a non-union shop, and for praising tech billionaire Elon Musk because he sacked workers who threatened to strike.

Trump also said recently that as a business owner he hated paying overtime. He has also previously said he preferred to use non-union workforces.

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Despite all this, the Trump campaign is making a serious play for the votes of unionised workers, who could be critical in Midwestern battleground states.

Although unions as organisations usually support Democrats, the number of voters in union households who support Republicans is sometimes more than 40%.

This year, Trump sought the endorsement of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the North American truck drivers’ union with 1.3 million members. The Teamsters have supported Democratic candidates in every presidential election since 2000, but prior to that, the organisation had also backed Republican candidates like Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George HW Bush.

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This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.



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About the Author

David Smith is Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney. He is jointly appointed between the United States Studies Centre and the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Sydney. Smith has a PhD in political science from the University of Michigan. His book, Religious Persecution and Political Order in the United States, was published by Cambridge University Press in 2015.

Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

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