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Israel-Hamas war affirms the indispensability of a two-state solution

By Alon Ben-Meir - posted Friday, 8 December 2023


A newly-elected Palestinian Authority for both the West Bank and Gaza It should be made clear that post-Hamas, the West Bank and Gaza will be governed by the Palestinian Authority. This, however, should not happen for at least 18 months following the establishment of a UN administrative authority in Gaza. During this period, the Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza would prepare for a new election. The current Palestinian Authority (PA) is corrupt; President Abbas is rejected and despised by the majority of Palestinians and must go. Only a newly-elected leader who enjoys the people's confidence can succeed.

A recent poll among Palestinians both in Gaza and the West Bank, completed on October 6, shows that 74 percent do not trust either Hamas or the Palestinian Authority (67 percent of Gazans said they had "not a lot" or no trust at all in Hamas' governance; 81 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank did not express trust in the Fatah-led government). Both parts of the Palestinian territories have and continue to suffer from corruption, human rights violations, misappropriation of finances, rampant joblessness, and hopelessness. They would welcome a change in the governing authority.

On the Israeli side, no one should hold their breath waiting for Netanyahu and his gang of zealous coalition partners to agree on anything that even resembles an independent Palestinian state. Once the war ends, Netanyahu will face an inquiry about the unfathomable savage butchery of 1,200 Israelis by Hamas that took place under his watch. He will have to resign or be ousted. Here too, a new government will have to be established in Israel, which must commit itself from the onset to a two-state solution. Once the two prerequisites are in place, the UN administrative authority will relinquish its role and responsibility to the PA.

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The role of the US and Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia and the US can play a major, in fact indispensable, role in this regard:

The US has been and continues to be the ultimate guarantor of Israel's national security. President Biden has done more than any of his predecessors in this regard and demonstrated that in the most unambiguous way by his unflagging support of Israel. He must make it very clear (and is in a position to do so) to Netanyahu or his successor that the US' unwavering support bears considerable political cost to America domestically and internationally. Many countries around the world view the US as complicit in the unfolding horror in Gaza. President Biden must advance a framework for a two-state solution, which he has advocated for many decades, consistent with the above proposal.

The negotiating process will undoubtedly take more than a year to complete. Since 2024 is an election year, President Biden may choose not to pressure Israel, fearing that the Republicans would use that against him. Given, however, this historic opportunity, which could lead to a permanent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, President Biden cannot afford to miss such an opening, and he may well succeed where his predecessors failed. It's time for the US to stop giving Israel carte blanche to do as it pleases, demand accountability, and ensure both sides negotiate in good faith to reach a peace agreement.

Saudi Arabia can complement the US initiative with its own most significant role by seizing on the breakdown in Israeli-Palestinian relations and offering an unprecedented breakthrough to bring an end to the conflict. The Saudis should make it clear that once the war ends, they will be ready to normalize relations with Israel on the condition that a new Israeli government agree to a two-state solution and negotiate continuously until an agreement is reached.

This war must end, leaving Hamas dramatically weakened and in disarray. But Hamas' ultimate defeat will not be on the battlefield; it will be by creating an alternative to Hamas' governance from which the Palestinians will significantly benefit. That contrast ought to be made clearly and immediately to demonstrate to the Palestinians that Hamas was not only the enemy of Israel but the enemy of ordinary Palestinians. Yes, all Palestinians in Gaza want to live in peace and prosper but they were deprived of living a normal life because of Hamas' violent resistance to Israel, squandering every resource to fight Israel while leaving the people despairing and hopeless.

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Israel should not prolong this tragic war by even one unnecessary day. Indeed, if this war lasts another month or two, it is almost certain that 20,000 to 30,000 Palestinians, mostly innocent women and children, and scores of Israeli soldiers will be killed. This will only deepen the hatred, enmity, and distrust between Israel and the Palestinians and make a solution to the conflict ever more intractable.

Yes, Israel can and will win tactically every battle against Hamas. Still, it will strategically lose the war unless a peace process between Israel and the Palestinians begins now, even before the war comes to an end. Ironically, the horrifying Israel-Hamas war may well have made it possible.

 

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About the Author

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a professor of international relations at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He teaches courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

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