In addition, as a former home and prime minister, Muhyiddin and his PN allies will have strong and cordial relationships with key civil servants. How much influence is held over the bureaucracy is a big unknown.
To safeguard his government, Anwar may best purge the civil service of those potentially dangerous officers. They can't be sacked but they can be mothballed into ineffective positions, out of harm's way although that dares a rebellion within the civil service.
Fifth column in his government
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Its public knowledge that at least 10 Barisan Nasional MPs were strongly against the coalition with Pakatan Harapan. Zahid – and his is where his value lies -- had to use the threat of the Anti-Hopping Laws to keep them in line. Now they are part of the government. Anwar must be continually aware of these enemies within his own ranks and any potential moves they may make to destabilize his government.
Within Anwar's own coalition are those who fundamentally disapprove of Pakatan Harapan. They were forced into the coalition against their will, and will do almost anything to undermine this government, if the opportunities arise. Wit insiders willing to make public any embarrassing information to undermine it, any breaking corruption issues will surely very quickly become public.
While the former prime minister Najib Razak is serving a 12-year jail term for his role in looting of the sovereign fund 1MDB, there will always be question marks about whether any deals were done with Zahid. Embarrassing documents, true or fake, will make light of day over the next year.
Anwar's dilemma
Not only must Anwar placate his own loyal Pakatan supporters, but he must also satisfy the supporters of deeply disparate if not outright hostile parties within his coalition. If he is going to even dream of there being a second term, the voters of the Malay heartlands must be constructively engaged as well.
Anwar was well aware of this in his first press conference, in which he said Malay rights and Islam would be upheld according to the Constitution. This is going to stifle he development of any new national narratives. Islam Hadhari, 1Malaysia, and Keluarga Malaysia all fell into the rubbish heap of history anyway.
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The essence of Anwar's focus must be on doing -- become the quiet achiever, and let others paint any new narratives. Coming up with new ones paints a target on his back. In Anwar's efforts must be a continuation of entitlement programs, which can be expanded to include other marginalized groups.
Anwar himself
Keeping his government together will be the best of Anwar's own shrewdness. Deep within his psyche is a true Malay Machiavellian view of the world. He will weigh up every decision he makes according to this construct. However, his biggest weakness is to trust the wrong people. All of his loyal old guard 'Reformasi' era comrades have long been caste aside.
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