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Papua New Guinea remains loyal to its constitutional head of state 47 years on

By Jeffrey Wall - posted Friday, 16 September 2022


This weekend Papua New Guinea will commemorate, rather than "celebrate", 47 years of independence.

The relationship between the monarch and our northern neighbour is remarkably uncomplicated.

Despite what China might be hoping for, the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the ascent of King Charles, is likely to actually strengthen the monarchy in PNG.

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King Charles is well known in PNG, as is his sister, Anne, the Princess Royal.

Indeed, the King is the last surviving significant link with Independence Day. He represented the Queen, sharing the spotlight with the then governor-general of Australia, Sir John Kerr, the prime minister, Gough Whitlam, leader of the opposition, Malcolm Fraser, and the new nation's first governor-general, Sir John Guise, and first prime minister, Michael Somare.

Australia has nothing whatsoever to be ashamed of when it comes to the independence process.

There will be those who still argue it was given too soon. On balance I am not among them.

I believe we got the timing about right. During the 1960s the process leading towards self-government and independence was slowed, principally due to a minister for territories, CEB Barnes who somehow believed it did not need to happen…possibly ever!

Surprisingly it was Prime Minister William McMahon who saw the inevitable and appointed a progressive external affairs minister, Andrew Peacock, who got the process back on track in two years. The Whitlam government provided further impetus, with self-government being amicably granted in 1973.

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The early years of independence were relatively smooth. The Fraser government provided generous budget support for PNG...providing up to half the annual budget.

It was not until the Hawke and Namaliu governments reached an agreement to end budget support in the early 1980s that PNG really secured fiscal independence.

However, the Morrison government effectively restored a measure of fiscal dependence in 2019, advancing cash loans it surely knew would probably never be repaid in full.

When I joined the new opposition leader the late Sir Iambakey Okuk as his chief advisor in June 1978. I was fortunate to be able to draw on the wonderful political experience Sir John Guise. He lasted barely 12 months as governor-general before deciding the office was without power and returning to parliament as the member for Milne Bay in the 1977 national elections.

Even though his term as deputy leader was even shorter, it was enough time for me to understand the new nation's national constitution. The essence was, and remains, a direct link between the prime minister and his cabinet and the Queen.

The divisive events in Australia of November 11, 1975 simply could not happen in Papua New Guinea. Whereas Sir John Kerr believed he had to behave in what was a deceptive way, for his PNG counterpart there was no such option.

I was absolutely certain of that position as a result of my discussions with Sir John Guise. He was in no doubt that the Queen would side with the Prime Minister and not the Governor-General if a crisis ever arose.

In 1991 Sir Seri Eri, the governor-general, sought to reinstate his close friend, Ted Diro, as deputy prime minister. Retired brigadier-general, Diro, who I had the privilege in knowing very well, had been suspended from office under the draconian provisions of the Leadership Code,

His suspension caused a lot of discomfort in the Namaliu government.

By purporting to reinstate him, the governor-general, who was never an MP, but a highly regarded defence secretary prior to his election as governor-general in in 1990, exposed Prime Minister Namaliu to himself being suspended from office if he allowed the reinstatement to occur.

Buckingham Palace was contacted - without reference to Sir Seri - and it was made very clear that the Queen, as Head of State, would act solely on the advice of the prime minister.

The cabinet secretary, James Winare, was dispatched to London, with a recommendation that the governor-general be dismissed. By the time he reached Singapore Sir Seri resigned, avoiding the need for his dismissal.

The relationship between the head of state and the government was absolutely confirmed as the constitution had specifically required. It has been a remarkably smooth relationship ever since.

The transition to a new head of state is well under way. The current governor-general Sir Bob Dadeo is a former MP. His term will expire in February at which time the national parliament will elect a new governor-general.

The good people of Papua New Guinea may seem indifferent to the role of the head of state but in reality they appear remarkably comfortable with it.

In the recent national elections, none of the 25 official political parties advocated ending the constitutional status of the queen,

The same sadly cannot be said for the neighbouring Solomon Islands. There is every indication that the pro-China Sogavare Government will end the constitutional status of the king.

So as PNG celebrates 47 years of independence we can be comfortable in the knowledge that an imperfect system continues to survive.

Australia's role, as well identified by the Foreign Minister, is to work with the re-elected PNG Government to fix the electoral system before the next elections in 2027.

In the meantime, the good people of PNG will focus on the NRL and AFL finals and then the Melbourne Cup!!

A safe 47th anniversary Papua New Guinea. There are better times ahead…we must hope.

 

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About the Author

Jeffrey Wall CSM CBE is a Brisbane Political Consultant and has served as Advisor to the PNG Foreign Minister, Sir Rabbie Namaliu – Prime Minister 1988-1992 and Speaker 1994-1997.

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All articles by Jeffrey Wall

Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

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