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Singapore as a quasi-one-party state

By Murray Hunter - posted Monday, 13 June 2022


What exists within Singapore are complex networks of relationships, some blood, and others through marriage, that cover almost every aspect of Singapore politics, government, and society. The blog claims that the real estate industry is held in tight hands, as are the banks, sovereign funds, and major instrumentalities. The government through sovereign funds controlled over 50% of the equity on the Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX). The National Trade Union Congress (NTUC) is headed by a PAP minister, and the People's Association (PA) is headed by a PAP appointee.

Nepotism within the civil service is not just within the domain of the elite. An earlier investigation by the author found that many key positions within the Majlis Ugama Singapura (MUIS), a government statutory body under the Ministry of Culture, Community, and Youth (MCCY), were held by people who closely related to each other.

Cover ups and suppression of dissent

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Singapore is ranked equal fourth in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index in 2021. According to the Singapore Corruption Prevention and Investigation Bureau (CPIB), corruption cases within Singapore are very low, with a zero tolerance by the government.

However, within Singapore there is a culture of cover up. An Australian Julie O'Connor raised allegations of fraud over the acquisition of assets from an Australian based company, Strategic Marine Pty Ltd. Her claims were dismissed without proper investigation by the Development Bank of Singapore (DBS), where she has been vilified on social media, and even threatened with violence.

MUIS used the state owned public media to cover up allegations of fraud and misconduct, eventually commissioning a ministerial inquiry, clearing both the personnel accused and organization, without ever making the final report public.

The culture of denial is deep seated within Singapore, where the mass media is used to discredit whistle blowers, and placate public sentiment with official responses, which are often not based upon facts.

An ex-employee of the CPIB, charged with investigation corruption within the island state told the writer that the organization is guided by the executive on what it should and shouldn't investigate.

Singapore also uses a draconian Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA). This legislation is used to for the taking down of any social media which a minister, in his/her judgement deems a particular statement false. In 2021, the local news portal Citizen Online (TOC) had its license suspended by the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA).

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More recently, the government introduced the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (FICA), designed to prevent foreign interests interfering with Singapore's domestic political processes, national sovereignty, or social cohesiveness.

Singapore heavily utilizes defamation laws to suppress political opponents. One of the most well known cases was the suit against former opposition MP JB Jeyaretnam in 1997, leading to his bankruptcy. Amnesty International charged that the judiciary had in the case bent to the will of the executive in this politically sensitive case.

The police are often used when there has been a leak from the civil service. Any information or documents leaked from the service is considered a breach of the Official Secrets Act (OSA), and is investigated as such. This is usually a form of intimidation, as police during questioning are mostly interested in uncovering the identity of the whistle blower.

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Murray Hunter's blog can be accessed here



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About the Author

Murray Hunter is an associate professor at the University Malaysia Perlis. He blogs at Murray Hunter.

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