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How Australia can regain positive influence and respect in the South Pacific

By Jeffrey Wall - posted Friday, 29 October 2021


This week there has been wide coverage given to Telstra's acquisition of the Pacific telecommunications company, Digicel. The commentary has been mixed at best. The principal criticism has centred on the fact that Telstra's acquisition has essentially been funded by the Australian Government through the Export Finance entity.

Without exception commentators have attributed the massive investment to concern in federal government agencies that China might have acquired Digicel if Telstra hadn't moved to do so.

My own view is that China did not see the need to acquire Digicel (sold for around $A2.3 billion) because its existing telecommunications infrastructure in the region gives it a strong base to build on if and when it wants to.

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My fear is that the government-funded acquisition will lull the federal government into a false sense of achievement – that China's advance in our immediate region has been halted, at least in the communications sector.

If you read the "Joint Statement of China-Pacific Island Countries Foreign Ministers' Meeting" issued by the PRC Foreign Minister Wang YI on behalf of all our immediate neighbours – including Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, Tonga and the Federated States of Micronesia – you will have to come to the conclusion that China is as active as ever in our region and as aggressive as ever.

The statement contains the usual platitudes about China, and President XI in particular. It also contains vague promises about China setting up two regional 'Centres" – one on the regional response to Covid and another on the impact of Climate Change on the region.

And there was a vague promise about "co-operation on fisheries". It is now beyond doubt that China is harvesting the fisheries resources of most island countries and doing so regardless of sustainability and domestic fishing industries.

I am not aware of the Australia Foreign Minister "convening" a similar gathering of South Pacific Foreign Ministers. We participate in the Pacific Islands Forum but only convene it on a rotation basis with all members of the Forum.

There can be no question that in our region China is seeking to deliberately erode our influence. In some countries it has been more successful than in others, principally through signing island nations to the Belt and Road agenda by which it provides tied, and secret loans for infrastructure and communications in particular.

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As I wrote just last week is that it is also successfully undermining Australia by an aggressive trade policy which is seeing more and more of the regions exports destined for China. The era in which Australia was the principal trading partner of the region has been in decline for some time.

How can Australia reverse the decline in our influence and standing?

That brings me to the key points I want to outline in the hope that there may be no resting on the apparent "laurels" of the Telstra acquisition, rather it might pave the way for a new focus on a people-to-people engagement which China simply will struggle to counter.

Here are just two suggestions on how we can at least begin doing so:

1. Australia needs to totally review its diplomatic approach to its key neighbours – Papua New Guinea, The Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji.

The last time Australia made a really "political appointment" to the region was way back in 1952 when the External Territories Minister in the Menzies Government, Paul Hasluck appointed Brigadier Donald Cleland as Administrator of the then Territory of Papua New Guinea.

It was a controversial appointment, as Donald Cleland had been a Liberal candidate in Western Australia, and prior to his appointment Federal Director and Campaign Director of the Liberal Party.

But he served in the position until his retirement in 1966. He was a very popular administrator, especially with the emerging Papua New Guinean leadership group that included the nation's future first Chief Minister and Prime Minister, Michael Somare.

Donald Cleland even managed to progress steps towards self-government and independence despite the blundering hesitancy of Charles Barnes, who succeeded Paul Hasluck as External Territories Minister. The transition from an appointed Legislative Council to an elected House of Assembly occurred under his guidance in 1964 – just nine years before self-government and eleven years before Independence.

When the then Sir Donald Cleland – who had lived in PNG in his retirement – died just one month before Independence the Chief Minister, Michael Somare, accorded him a State Funeral. He subsequently made Sir Donald's widow, Rachael, a Dame.

Sir Donald Cleland brought to the office of administrator an understanding of politics, and real political "clout" when it came to negotiations with the Federal Government. His term as Administrator remains revered by current PNG leaders most of whom would not have met him.

Australia should look at his achievements and seriously consider appointing a former senior federal or state minister, or political leader, as High Commissioner to PNG. Today Australia is represented in London, Washington, Tokyo, Singapore and Delhi by former federal or state senior political figures. The consul positions in at least two US cities are are held by former politicians.

The biggest "business" in Papua New Guinea is politics! The national elections next year will be contested by thousands of candidates representing at least twenty political parties.

It makes sense to me to have as our representative in one of our key overseas posts – Port Moresby – a skilled former politician who can gain the confidence of our neighbour's leaders, leaders who follow closely our politics, just as the people follow our rugby league!

And consideration ought also be given to similar experienced political representation in Fiji and The Solomon Islands

2. Adopt the trade sub-committee's soft diplomacy recommendations

The second step we need to take with urgency is to adopt and implement the excellent recommendations of the Australian Parliament's Trade Sub-Committee report, titled "One Region, One Family, One Future". The Committee was chaired by the LNP Member for Fairfax, Ted O'Brien, and its members were drawn from the Government and Opposition in both the House and the Senate.

The report makes some excellent and comprehensive recommendations on how Australia can strengthen links with our immediate region.

The recommendations centre around building sporting links – coaching, regional competitions, visits to Australia to compete in team and individual sports. But it also recommends a greater engagement with the regions churches, women's groups and community organisations.

The federal government needs to engage immediately with the nation's major sporting organisations – the AFL, NRL, Rugby Australia, Soccer Australia, as well as leaders from Netball Basketball and cricket – to develop this initiative, and provide significant funding and personnel. It needs to equally support men's sport, women's sport, and sport involving school students and youth.

The report is thorough and balanced. It must not be pigeon holed!

The opportunities soft diplomacy offers Australia are enormous – but it needs the federal government to drive and fund them.

In conclusion, despite the platitudes that the Chinese Foreign Ministers statement offers about co-operation in sporting fields, and even "religions", Australia has the capacity to make a real difference in our people-to-people engagement with our neighbours in a way China simply cannot.

It makes sense, in these most challenging times, for more effective diplomatic representation and some targeted "soft diplomacy" sporting and community engagement to go right to the top of our regional priorities!

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About the Author

Jeffrey Wall CSM CBE is a Brisbane Political Consultant and has served as Advisor to the PNG Foreign Minister, Sir Rabbie Namaliu – Prime Minister 1988-1992 and Speaker 1994-1997.

Other articles by this Author

All articles by Jeffrey Wall

Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

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