Australia's response to the threat of global terrorism is a test of resolve

On the morning of September 12th 2001 a colleague of mine was confronted by his sleepy-eyed young son. The boy had overheard conversations and television snippets in the dead of night and wanted to know whether something terrible had happened or whether he had just had a "bad dream." Now, two and a half years on, the numbness and incredulity of that September are gone. Over following months we witnessed the gruelling task of the World Trade Centre rubble and its human contents being collected and taken away like so much of our comfort and security.

We in Australia have since endured the shock, brutality and grief of Bali. We have seen the carnage in Istanbul, in Riyadh and in Madrid. We have seen military action in Afghanistan. We have seen the liberation of Iraq and continue to see terrorist attacks against international forces determined to bring stability. I think as a people we have realised that this is no "bad dream." We know that this is not a string of unrelated, tragic events.

But I think many Australians are still uncertain and worried about these events. This is not surprising - the campaign waged by the terrorists is unlike any we have had to face before. And it is designed to foster fear, division and self-doubt.

The terrorism challenge we face does have the dimensions of a war. Its prosecution requires clear-sighted political commitment, national vigilance and preparedness, an informed and resilient public and a commitment of energy and resources that must be sustained over many years.

At the outset, we should be clear that this is a war that we did not choose. The terrorists have declared war on us because of who we are and what we value. Our only choice is whether or not we defend ourselves. The Government has made its decision: we will defend Australians, our nation and our interests.

The Fundamentalist Islamic Extremist Terrorists cannot achieve their aims through persuasion - only through fear and chaos. Their precise goals and ideologies are so extreme that it is difficult for us to understand them. However in order to succeed we must attempt to know our enemy.

What distinguishes al Qaeda - and its kind - is a deliberate and militant misreading of the Koran in pursuit of extremist ends. With it goes the perception of a world conspiracy of Zionists and Christians...a mindset that thinks of the present in terms of the Crusades. Al Qaeda embraces modern weapons technology but its aims are fundamentalist. Its sense of geo-political reality is delusional. These people want to overthrow moderate Muslim governments and replace them with Taliban-style, “Islamo-fascist” regimes.

The distinguished writer Andrew Sullivan summed up the situation. Al Qaeda, he says is “quite candid in its goals: expulsion of all infidels from Islamic lands, the subjugation of political pluralism to fascistic theocracy, the elimination of all Jews anywhere, the enslavement of women, the murder of homosexuals and the expansion of a new Islamic realm up to and beyond the medieval boundaries of Islam's golden past”. The demands of the Islamo-fascists are absolute. There is no point in seeking to reduce the threat from these terrorists by offering concessions. This is as true for countries like Australia as it is for the mainstream Muslim communities.

When it comes to confronting terrorists and their safe havens - we have to tackle them where we can. We cannot afford to sit back and wait for another 9/11 or Bali bombing before we respond. That is why the international community, led by the United States, overthrew al Qaeda's puppet Taliban regime in Afghanistan in the wake of September 11.

Now the terrorists have made Iraq the frontline in their unholy war. They know what is at stake in Iraq. For them, the establishment of a free and democratic Iraq would represent a severe defeat. An Arab liberal democracy would be a burst of sunlight ruining their dark vision. So their plan for Iraq is one of chaos and civil war. We know this from captured documents purported to be written by the al-Qaeda-associated terrorist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. Al-Zarqawi made it clear he was aiming to foment civil war along Iraq's main religious divides. But he is being frustrated in his purpose by Iraqis who overwhelmingly oppose his actions and intent.

Now is the worst possible time to cut and run from Iraq. The Australian Government will keep troops there until their tasks are complete. The vast majority of Coalition countries have restated their commitment. And the United Nations plans to move back into Iraq. Those who advocate a cut and run policy clearly have not stopped to listen to the people who count most in this - the Iraqis themselves. A recent survey conducted for the BBC by Oxford Research International found that only 15% of Iraqis want coalition forces to leave immediately.

Nor have the cut-and-run advocates thought through the consequences of their proposed actions. Such a policy would have a severe and very real consequence for the security of Australia. For Iraq would in effect become what Afghanistan once was: a failed state and a haven for al Qaeda and other terrorists. It would be a source of instability in a region of strategic and economic importance to Australia.

The decision to join the Coalition of the Willing was the right decision. Never again will the Iraqi people have to live with the brutality of Saddam Hussein's tyranny.

We now need to work with the various religious and ethnic groups to ensure they do not choose the preferred path of the terrorists - the path of violence. The international coalition in Iraq wants the same outcome as the Iraqi people: the earliest possible handover of responsibility for Iraq to its own people. Violence can only thwart that process.

The international community's decisions on how to grapple with the issue of transition will be crucially important for the broader war against terrorism. The broadest possible support will create the best possible chance for steady, peaceful progress. Unity on Iraq will send a clear and strong message to the terrorists - who feed on our divisions and signs of weakness.

Just as we had to make a stand against fascism in the 1930s and 40s we must take a stand against the Islamo-fascists of the 21st century. Terrorists will not be defeated by acquiescence and retreat - victory can only come by taking them on directly.

Two and a half years after 9/11 it is possible to describe some progress against terrorism. Across 100 countries about 3,400 terrorist operatives have been either killed or detained. Entire al-Qaeda cells have been disrupted. Almost US$200 million in terrorist assets have been frozen or seized. In our own region, well over 200 Jema'ah Islamiyah suspects have been detained with key figures like Hambali and Al-Ghozi no longer at large.

But there is ample evidence of increasing coordination among terrorist groups. JI, for instance, is cooperating with Islamic extremist groups in the southern Philippines, to the point of sharing training facilities and operational expertise. Terror cells are planning for the medium and long term.

It is crucial that we challenge the ideas by which terrorists seek to justify their actions. Otherwise we vacate the important intellectual battleground in the war against terrorism - allowing terrorists to exploit the politics of despair.

This is not to accept the simplistic idea that terrorism has so called "root causes" that are easily identified and resolved. The idea that terrorism is driven by poverty and lack of opportunity is not supported by the facts. A number of the leaders of al-Qaeda and JI come from relatively affluent and privileged backgrounds. The "root causes" thesis also misunderstands the purposes of groups aligned with al-Qaeda.These are not people seeking remedy or compromise - only annihilation or subjugation to their views.

We must always draw clear distinctions between terrorism that seeks to exploit Muslim populations on the one hand and Islam itself on the other - on 9/11 it wasn't only planes that were hijacked but the Islamic faith as well.

Australia has taken steps to promote understanding between Muslim and non-Muslim societies. The Australia-Indonesia Institute (AII) is promoting understanding through its Inter-Faith Program, which encourages contact between our countries' Islamic and Christian organisations. In 2003 the Council for Australian-Arab relations was formed to promote economic, political, cultural and social links between Australian and Arab communities.

Since September 11 and Bali, about $3 billion has been committed to protecting Australia against the new terrorist threat. Recently the Prime Minister announced that Australia's intelligence, security and law enforcement agencies would receive an additional $400 million to strengthen our campaign against global terrorism.

No country can combat terrorism on its own - it is only through cooperation that we will get the fullest possible picture of the current and emerging nature of terrorism - and how best to fight it. Cooperation between Muslim and non-Muslim countries has been vital in the progress so far.

Australia has put in place a network of bilateral counter terrorism Memoranda of Understanding with nine countries in the region - to underpin practical cooperation. Our MOU with Indonesia, for example, provided the basis for the excellent cooperation between the Australian and Indonesian police forces in the aftermath of the Bali and JW Marriot (Jakarta) bombings which has helped hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

Australia recognises that helping countries to develop their own capabilities to fight terrorism is as important as operational-level cooperation. Australia is contributing A$38.3 million over five years to the Jakarta Centre for Law Enforcement Cooperation which will help build regional counter-terrorism capabilities as well as provide a hub of practical expertise which can respond to particular terrorist threats or incidents.

Australia's counter-terrorism efforts in the Asia Pacific draw upon and complement the broader international coalition against terrorism. And, importantly, Australia remains firmly committed to working within the United Nations on terrorism. The UN has a critical role to play in setting and monitoring international standards against terrorism, and preventing the financing of terrorism.

And in the war against terrorism Australia must not downgrade our most important alliance - with the United States. That alliance is more important to us today that it has been for a generation. Australians must ask themselves this: would they feel more secure in the war against terrorism if we downgraded our alliance with America? Is this really the time in our history to weaken those ties which have given us such security for so long? Through the alliance, vast resources are exploited for the protection of all Australians. But we cannot expect to have a meaningful alliance with the US if we are not prepared to stand shoulder to shoulder with it in the War on Terrorism.

We all want a world free of terrorism. But we will not attain this without tough and sustained action. Unity and cooperation are the keys and we must put past political differences aside. The War against Terrorism is a war Australia did not choose. It is a war we cannot win by retreating into a false fortress at home. Rather, we will work alongside our allies and regional partners in this solemn endeavour. Because this is a war we must win for ourselves...and for our vision of a tolerant, free and democratic world.