The authors of the Framework document are, in sharp contrast, barely troubled by Moscow and, surprisingly, sober on the issue. "Russia will remain a marginal player in the Indo-Pacific region relative to the United States, China and India." Abhijnan Rej of The Diplomat could not help but find this inconsistency odd. "So Russia is a threat in a public document but not one in a classified one?"
As for India, the 2019 IPSR does much to avoid exaggeration and elevation. "Within South Asia, we are working to operationalize our Major Defense Partnership with India, while pursuing emerging partnerships with Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Bangladesh and Nepal." The Pentagon notes an increase in the "scope, complexity and frequency of our military exercises" with India. But for all that, New Delhi hardly remains a jewel of defence strategy relative to such traditional allies as South Korea and Japan.
The SFIP, in contrast, makes a bold stab at linking the goals of maintaining US regional supremacy with New Delhi's own objectives. This is bound to cause discomfort in the planning rooms, given Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's rhetoric on regional multipolarity. An article of faith in Indian policy on the matter is ensuring that no single power dominates the region. Another potential concern is the prospect that India is being thrown into the US-China scrap.
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Medcalf concludes his assessment of the framework document with his own call for what promises to be future conflict. "America," he insists, "cannot effectively compete with China if it allows Beijing hegemony over this vast region, the economic and strategic centre of gravity in a connected world." The conflict mongers will be eagerly rubbing their hands.
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