A Liberal Party in the 21st Century

Being creative also means rejuvenating the connection between our aid program with free market economics, capitalism and the needs of small business across the region. Often we look to seasonal worker programs, for example, or remittance flows, as forms of assistance when we should be paying acute attention to assisting our Polynesian and Melanesian neighbours in their plans for dynamism and economic growth. A percentage point of GDP growth, after all, can produce more opportunities than years of remittance or seasonal labour from a well-meaning aid bureaucracy in Canberra.

Australia has a great deal to offer nations beyond our borders. Menzies, in The Measure of the Years, noted the importance his governments placed on exhibiting "to the world an integrity in which the world believes". Australian statecraft, sustained and refreshed by new ideas, will be critical for our own integrity and our perception in the world.

What not to do

Inversion offers great lessons in life but also in politics. And Liberals can learn three lessons from the errors of the modern Labor Party.

First, the Rudd prime ministership shows that a frenetic approach to government – a poorly administered home insultation scheme, an under-costed National Broadband Network, an overly-bureaucratic school halls program and a confused border security regime – dampens a respect for the integrity of government and removes a critical part of good government – trust.

Second, modern Labor has become so captured by green politics and an out of touch agenda that the Liberal Party has become the only stable electoral home for themes of tradition, family, stability and aspiration. As one recent voter in the federal election made clear:

"I actually took the 'big end of town' reference to property investors as a personal insult. I'm a truck driver, 63, work 6 and 7 days a week, I live in a 3 bedroom transportable house, save as much as I can and have 1 rental property. I don't think I'm from the big end of town! I'm a blue collar hard working Australian. Labor insulted me for being that."

 

Electoral strategists and hard maths will tell you that electoral victory exponentially increases by 'leveraging the swings' in marginal seats. But, in everyday terms, it is achieved by capturing the integrity of voters like these – presenting a positive political vision motivated by regular Australians.

The third lesson, while not necessarily from modern Labor, is around party discipline. Leakages, whether from cabinets or at any level of party collective, signify division. And, even at times of watershed policy performance, its slightest appearance can provoke a firestorm. Future coalition governments, oppositions and party members will no doubt need to continue vigorous debate but, ultimately, operate on a unified front.

Powering the party machine

A unified Liberal front also relies on an effective Liberal party machine. As in all parties, there is an obvious tension in the Liberal Party between part-timers and political professionals. Mums, dads and volunteers on one hand, for example, and staffers and the Party executive on the other. This is an imperfect distinction but it alludes to the 'broad church' of the Party, contrasting heavily with the ALP, which was created by unions and remains far too captive to Union power brokers and Party apparatchiks.

The Liberal Party, however, has always aimed for a powerful mass membership with genuine control over the Party and its direction. Menzies himself always referred to this membership as the sensible 'ballast' that would ensure the Party remained reflective and in touch with its community. This is absolutely vital in our time and there are three principles to ensure this balance remains.

First, barriers to Party entry must remain sensible but low. Mandatory membership times, usually twelve months for voting and pre-selection, should remain strongly enforced. Second, the emergence of branch 'cliques' should be guarded against and pre-selection plebiscites be put in place. Third, a 'one hat' approach for members running for pre-selection or a party executive position needs to be put in place. A full-time political professional will always have more time, for example, even if not more natural ability, to devote to Party affairs than a highly qualified Liberal Party volunteer. And a corporate lobbyist can certainly be a Party official but, at the same time, cannot be both.

The individual

Identity politics seriously challenges social cohesion. And the rootlessness some in our communities feel, and the recognition they demand, is only spurred on by undermining our unifying symbols like the national flag and Australia Day.