Like what you've read?

On Line Opinion is the only Australian site where you get all sides of the story. We don't
charge, but we need your support. Here�s how you can help.

  • Advertise

    We have a monthly audience of 70,000 and advertising packages from $200 a month.

  • Volunteer

    We always need commissioning editors and sub-editors.

  • Contribute

    Got something to say? Submit an essay.


 The National Forum   Donate   Your Account   On Line Opinion   Forum   Blogs   Polling   About   
On Line Opinion logo ON LINE OPINION - Australia's e-journal of social and political debate

Subscribe!
Subscribe





On Line Opinion is a not-for-profit publication and relies on the generosity of its sponsors, editors and contributors. If you would like to help, contact us.
___________

Syndicate
RSS/XML


RSS 2.0

History demands that General Wiranto be tried for war crimes

By Gwynn MacCarrick - posted Monday, 1 March 2004


The order confirming the death sentence of General Yamashita in 1946, handed down by General of the Army Douglas MacArthur, Jr. referred to the “traditions of fighting men”:

The soldier, be he friend or foe, is charged with the protection of the weak and the unarmed. It is the very essence and reason for his being. When he violates this trust he not only profanes his entire cult but threatens the very fabric of international society. The traditions of fighting men are long and honourable. They are based upon the noblest of human traits - sacrifice.

For half a century the International Military Tribunal sitting at Nuremberg and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East sitting in Tokyo have stood as landmark entities and major instances of prosecutions for offences against the norms of International Humanitarian Law. (Meron, 1995)

Advertisement

A central tenant in modern thinking, as it relates to International Criminal Law, is the notion that atrocities in war are not committed by abstract entities but rather by individuals, and that it is natural persons as opposed to a state which are individually culpable for offences against the common conscience of humanity and for breaches of the general rules of engagement in conflict. The attachment of criminal responsibility require that certain acts alleged to have occurred can be attributed to an individual at trial.

Sanctions, to be effective, must operate on individuals rather than states. This necessarily involves making inroads upon national sovereignty and rely upon the cooperation between states.

States ordinarily punish crimes in the interest of their own peace and security and state laws provide for the normal exercise of domestic criminal jurisdictions. There are however times when the domestic jurisdictions of states prove inadequate.

International Criminal Tribunals have become the accepted forum to issue indictments against officials/agents of states. This has translated into the criminal trials of high ranking military officials before tribunals investigating the violations committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and East Timor.

It is now clearly encoded in international statute as well as customary law that military structure is founded upon established standards of diligence and the control of leaders over subordinates. It is this chain of command, this organizational hierarchy, which make a fighting force predictable and disciplined in a time of war. This “basis tenant of military life” (Hessler, 1973) obliges subordinates to obey commands and places a corresponding duty upon military leaders to be vigilant in preventing and punishing atrocities.

General Wiranto as Commander-in-Chief of the Indonesian forces has a prima facie case to answer with regard to the events which unfolded in East Timor in September 1999. For the Special Panel for Serious Crimes to obstruct any real forum for discussion as to the General’s surrendering himself up to authorities, (or in the alternative; possible cooperation between state parties for his arrest) not only beggars disbelief but stands in the face of centuries of precedent.

Advertisement

To allow the Indonesian General run for the highest office in the land (and thereby attract state immunity), well that’s breathtakingly wrong.

  1. Pages:
  2. 1
  3. 2
  4. 3
  5. Page 4
  6. All


Discuss in our Forums

See what other readers are saying about this article!

Click here to read & post comments.

Share this:
reddit this reddit thisbookmark with del.icio.us Del.icio.usdigg thisseed newsvineSeed NewsvineStumbleUpon StumbleUponsubmit to propellerkwoff it

About the Author

Gwynn MacCarrick is an international criminal law and environmental law expert. She is a Research Fellow with the Policy Innovation Hub, Griffith University and adjunct researcher with James Cook University. She has a BA (Hons) LLB Grad Cert Leg Prac. IDHA., Grad Cert Higher Ed., PhD.

Other articles by this Author

All articles by Gwynn MacCarrick
Related Links
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Photo of Gwynn MacCarrick
Article Tools
Comment Comments
Print Printable version
Subscribe Subscribe
Email Email a friend
Advertisement

About Us Search Discuss Feedback Legals Privacy