The plan, for the moment, remains shrouded. As Italy's Europe minister, Sandro Gozi, explained, the case in London seemed "far from clear". As was the starting basis for negotiations. "It seems there are disagreements and divisions within the cabinet. There are many uncertainties."
May's message to Michel Barnier, charged with the task of Brexit from the EU side, will be a different one from that directed to British audiences. There are few choices on the table, with Barnier insisting that "time will be very short" for the negotiation period. "It's clear that the period of actual negotiations will be shorter than two years. All in all, there will be less than 18 months to negotiate."
Barnier's promises have verged on threatening, though they have been delivered with tepid calm. For one, he is busying himself identifying a common position with all of the 27 remaining members in the EU towards Britain. This should be completed by the end of January.
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The unmistakable emphasis here is that of inferiority: the British decision to leave, Barnier promises, will be saddled with consequences, placing the country in a position worse than it would be if it remains. "Being in the EU comes with rights and benefits. The single market and its four freedoms are indivisible. Cherry picking is not an option."
Barnier might have also reflected on the other side of the European problem: the populist challenge to grey, bureaucratic technocracy; the need for institutional reform that does more than utter financial messages and praise the God Market or Civil Servant King. The May government may well be struggling with its strategy on exit, but the mandarins on the continent should be equally troubled by a strategy that is failing to curb a far deeper, inner rage.
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