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IS: illusion versus reality

By Alon Ben-Meir - posted Monday, 22 September 2014


The US must begin to lay the ground for this eventuality, and make it clear to the Abadi government that an Iraq free of violence depends on the Sunnis' conviction that their fight against ISIS will benefit them rather than further consolidate the Shiites' hold on power.

Syria: President Obama's plans to mobilize and train moderate Syrian rebels to fight ISIS will go nowhere regardless of how well-trained and equipped the Syrian rebels may be. They cannot be effective if they must fight on two fronts-ISIS and Assad's forces.

The US must target immediately ISIS fortifications in Syria as well as some of Assad's military assets, especially his air force installations and runways and infantry, to prevent him from continuing to use barrel bombs that kill thousands of civilians indiscriminately.

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Moreover, the US should capitalize on the growing sense of uneasiness among the Alawites with Assad, as they are increasingly realizing that there will be no end to the civil war as long as he remains in power.

An Alawite-Sunni axis in Syria is possible once the Alawites are assured that Assad's butchery of the largely Sunnis communities will not be held against them once Assad is ousted and the Sunnis form a representative government.

The American aerial onslaught against ISIS must be overwhelming and simultaneously target ISIS both in Iraq and Syria to prevent them from regrouping, recruiting, and developing new defensive positions and make their recovery extremely difficult.

Saudi Arabia: The war against ISIS is in principle a religious war that transcends the defeat of ISIS. Shiite Iran and Sunni Saudi Arabia are waging a war by proxy in Syria and Iraq to secure regional hegemony. Their battle is one for survival itself and will not abate any time soon.

Saudi Arabia should have every incentive not only to train Syrian rebels but actively participate in the military campaign. The US must insist that Saudi Arabia dispatch ground troops to Syria to fight ISIS. Although this may help Iran, which is also threatened by ISIS, it will at the same time undermine Tehran's foothold in Syria.

Iran has and will always be part of all regional conflicts by supporting one side against the other. It is illusionary to assume that Tehran can be a part of the solution. It has directly supported Assad with money, military equipment, advisors, and even fighters as he is waging a merciless war against his civilian population.

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Iran will stop short of nothing to maintain its foothold in Syria, which the linchpin of the crescent of land between the Gulf and the Mediterranean and is central to Iran's ambitions to become the region's hegemon. Regardless of the ongoing negotiations with Iran about its nuclear program, the US must spare no efforts to keep Iran out of the military campaign in Iraq and Syria.

Turkey: President Erdogan, who is guided by his Islamic convictions, will not help the fight against ISIS and nothing should be expected from Ankara other than lip-service. Turkey has and continues to be the gateway for jihadists coming from all over to cross the Turkish border into Syria and Iraq.

The US should stop covering for Turkey and insist that Erdogan stop the flow of jihadists and end the buying of oil from ISIS, which helps finance ISIS' deadly campaign. The US should warn that there will be consequences if Turkey does not heed American demands.

There are several Arab states including Egypt, Jordan, UAE, Oman, Kuwait, and others who should assist in different capacities in the campaign to defeat ISIS. It is incumbent on the US to ensure that this war looks, feels, and is an inter-Arab war, with Western powers only supporting the moderate Arab camp while protecting their strategic interests.

To help defeat Islamic extremism, we must condition our future support to any of the Arab states affected by this scourge and insist that they commit to long–term and substantial socioeconomic and political programs. This will give tens of millions of Arab youth alternatives to violence and instead, give the hope and the opportunity to seek a more promising future.

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About the Author

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a professor of international relations at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He teaches courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

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