Battling for the center in L.A. and Philly

Over the past month both parties have been putting the finishing touches to their campaigns and as I write the Democrats are about to unveil their message for the fall. The line-ups are complete with Bush-Cheney versus Gore-Lieberman, and the campaigns are revving up to kick into first gear for the final stage. At last the end is in sight of what has seemed such a long campaign, and, most importantly, voters will hopefully be listening.

The Veepstakes

For months pundits have been speculating over the selection of the vice-presidential candidates, with the political gossip sheets carrying sections on the ‘veepstakes’. Such talk is known as ‘inside baseball’ – a discussion that is only of interest to the politicos. The veepstakes are often conversations focusing on lists of lesser-known politicians for a traditionally powerless position. Al Gore has been something of an exception as a vice president with real input into the Clinton Administration’s policies.

While the talk of vice-presidential candidates gives politicos a chance to showcase their skills in punditry, its importance to the outcome of the election may be overestimated. Since John Kennedy selected Lyndon Johnson, people have talked about balancing the ticket, in that case geographically, or politically. This school of thought sees the running mate as bringing to the table the qualities the presidential candidate lacks – the balancing part. Yet when Bill Clinton chose Al Gore, he enhanced, rather than balanced, the President’s positions – both were centrist New Democrats from southern states. While the running mate can sometimes have an impact on the race, as Johnson did, don’t assume this to be the norm.

Bush Plays ‘Safe’ But Steps To The Right

As the sweepstakes and gossip went on, George W. Bush asked one of his father’s trusted aides, Dick Cheney, to oversee and vet the selection process for the vice-presidential candidate. Cheney’s job was to interview and evaluate all the potential running mates for their suitability. After searching through all the Republican’s rising stars, safest hands, and elder statesmen, Cheney found one man whose talents stood head and shoulders above the rest – himself. Bush must be thankful that such an independent third party handled the selection process so objectively.

After all the speculation, what do the polls say Cheney will do for Bush’s chances? Absolutely nothing. That’s right, there’s nothing to suggest that Cheney’s appearance on the ticket will either win or lose any votes for the GOP. That’s what the commentators over here describe as a ‘safe’ choice. Like Bush, Cheney has been based in Texas and will register as a resident of Wyoming to fulfill the constitutional requirement that the president and vice president don’t come from the same state. Cheney also has strong ties to the oil industry, where Bush and his father made their fortunes.

Despite this, there are ways that Cheney’s selection balances the Bush ticket. While no one can be entirely sure where Bush’s political heart lies, Cheney brings clarity to the ticket. As soon as his selection was announced, Democrats pounced on his voting record. Between 1978 and his appointment as Defense Secretary in 1989, he sat in the House of Representatives. In this decade, Cheney voted against the creation of the Department of Education, voted against Head Start (the early education program), and voted against the Clean Water Act (a landmark piece of environmental legislation supported by most Republicans). Such a record puts Cheney to the right of Ronald Reagan and Newt Gingrich, a far cry from the compassionate conservatism Bush has been promising.

Bush’s choice of Cheney sends out a clear message of loyalty to the GOP’s hardcore. And if this is who he picks for vice president, think who he will pick for the Supreme Court – a decision that could well result in Roe v. Wade being overturned, and give states the constitutional authority to ban abortions.

The choice of Cheney is also significant in reinforcing Bush’s image as a daddy’s boy. Cheney was a senior member of President Bush’s Cabinet. With Bush Jr. being portrayed as boyish and immature, his choice of running mate adds a grownup to the ticket. Yet it does provide a genuine advantage by bringing his experience to the table. While the GOP has invested much in marketing their candidate as someone brought up outside Washington, he has a serious vulnerability in having one of the thinnest political resumes of a presidential candidate – a weakness counterbalanced by Cheney who served as President Ford’s Chief of Staff back in the mid-seventies.

Cheney’s selection also raises questions of the candidate’s health. Cheney has already suffered three heart attacks, and there is some speculation as to whether he is up to the pressures of high office.

In short, the choice of Cheney is safe. He is known by his party, well respected, and has a proven track record. On the downside he is a throwback to the Bush Administration’s past, his health is questionable and most importantly he sends out a clear signal that Bush’s sympathies lie with the right wing core of the Republicans.

The Step To The Center

A week after the announcement of the vice-presidential candidate, the Republicans dressed up in Democrats clothes and headed to Philadelphia for the National Convention. Past GOP conventions have been the scene of fierce internal battles and breast-beating partisanship. Who can forget Pat Buchanan’s high-charged negative and nationalistic ‘cultural wars’ speech in 1992? No sign of the right-wing rottweilers like Newt Gingrich this time.

Yet one reminder of the Party’s past sat through the whole Convention – the former President Bush and his wife Barbara. Again, serving to underline George W’s blue blood heritage and recalling the link with the last Republican Administration.

Bush Sr.’s presence may have symbolized the white patricians normally associated with the GOP, but you would think it was a different party looking at the Convention stage. An effort was made to ensure African Americans were prominent, and not just as politically correct window dressing – Colin Powell gave a major speech, and Bush’s 24-year-old Latino nephew George P. Bush addressed the Convention. Surprisingly, the GOP even let their only openly gay congressman speak – though less surprisingly some delegates displayed their protest by holding hats to their chests and bowing their heads. That scene itself summed the whole thing up – the heart of the party may not be as vocal, but it has not changed.

The attempt to portray the GOP as forward looking and compassionate went beyond the visuals. The language was borrowed from the Democrats, with talk of being ‘inclusive’. The themes were also a departure from traditional Republican motifs. Colin Powell spoke out against the GOP’s traditional opposition to affirmative action, a thought previously unheard of. An evening was dedicated to education, with talk of funding for Head Start – the very program Cheney voted against establishing. All this raises the question: how do we judge the GOP, by their current warm and fuzzy words or by their past actions?

Most of the GOP old guard bit their lips, accepting what was necessary for electability. One exception, however, was Pat Buchanan, the former Reagan speechwriter, who has since left the GOP. To him, what he saw was the Republican Party of Rockefeller rather than Reagan. Making his discomfort official, Buchanan was nominated last week as the presidential candidate for the Reform Party (the party Ross Perot ran for in 1992 and 1996).

Of the speeches there were no gaffes or loose cannons. Laura Bush (W’s wife) spoke for over half an hour with plenty of applause and laughs. Colin Powell was seen as giving the most important speech, whereas Dick Cheney gave the most negative, attacking Al Gore. As for W. Bush himself, he was able to read the autocue for just under an hour, punctuating his applause lines with squints and smirks. Expectations were low, and while he didn’t give a particularly rousing speech, he touched all the right bases and stayed largely positive – enough to shield him from the critics.

All in all, such a well-rehearsed and stage-managed convention went without a hitch. The message may have been soft, but at least it was well polished. No controversies bubbled up in front of the TV cameras. The main sideshow for the media was when former President Ford suffered a stroke during the Convention. While I have no idea what brought this on, I’m pretty certain it wasn’t excitement.

Gore’s ‘Bold’ Choice

While Bush’s selection was a wink to the core Republicans, Gore’s choice of running mate firmly anchored him in the political center. The choice of Cheney raised all kinds of speculation about Gore’s choice. The move was seen to give him a free hand with no quality or interests to appease. Many thought he would go for someone young, with much focus on Senator Kerrey of Massachusetts. Instead Gore chose the Connecticut Senator Joe Lieberman, a centrist ‘New Democrat’.

Unlike Bush’s ‘safe’ choice of running mate, Gore’s choice was hailed as ‘bold’. Senator Lieberman is the first Jewish candidate to run on a presidential ticket. Gore’s decision will put to the test just how tolerant and accepting America really is, or whether prejudice still lies out there. Lieberman is also an orthodox Jew, leading to U.S. talk shows speculating over the event of a national crisis occurring on the Sabbath – would he be there or would his religion take priority? But in this respect Gore’s choice should be applauded – it sends out a stronger signal of inclusiveness than the warm and fuzzy words of the GOP Convention. Yet, maybe it says something about U.S. politics when the selection of a middle-aged conservative white Yale-educated Jewish male lawyer is deemed radical.

Lieberman’s selection may have been influenced by strategic considerations. He was the first major Democrat during the Lewinsky controversy to speak out morally against Bill Clinton’s actions. Lieberman also has no (known) skeletons in the closet. In his selection Gore picked someone who will insulate the Democrat ticket from the ‘restore integrity to the White House’ argument employed by the Bush-Cheney ticket.

Lieberman is known as a centrist or New Democrat, chairing the Democrat Leadership Council. The way to market him is as someone who rises above partisan battles in Congress, and helps build a consensus to pass bi-partisan measures. What does this mean? He votes with Republicans on some core issues. Notably he supports school vouchers – a scheme allocating public funds to parents to help pay for their kids to go to private schools. Such schemes are believed to divert money out of public school system, are fiercely opposed by most Democrats and are a litmus test for support from the teachers unions. Far from trashing Lieberman’s voting record, as Democrats did with Cheney, the Republicans have been quick to adopt Gore’s running mate as one of their own.

While this may serve as good positioning for Gore in the battle for the center ground, the choice may be ‘risky’ (to use one of Gore’s favorite words) by doing little to energize the Democrat core. This may be an issue as Gore faces a third party threat from the left with Ralph Nader running as the Green Party candidate.

In Lieberman, Gore has chosen a decent man whose personal style is relaxed and non-confrontational. The choice also marks a significant breakthrough against ethnic and religious boundaries in politics. Yet critics may argue that the upshot of Gore’s choice is that three Republicans are now running on a presidential ticket.

All that remains for the Democrats is to unveil their message at the Convention in Los Angeles, which is opening as I write. Much of the talk is about establishing Gore as his own person, bringing him out of the shadow of Bill Clinton. But at the same time they want to incorporate the President’s legacy of economic prosperity, and any other of Clinton’s successes, into Gore’s record. And then there’s also Clinton’s skill as a fundraiser that has to be utilized. And then there’s the small matter of his wife running for the Senate. So there’s not much chance of Clinton fading into obscurity just yet. And with this in mind, it remains to be seen how the Democrats will succeed in casting their new leading man in Hollywood this week.