Very fast trains, computers and web services

As revelations of NSA electronic surveillance continue to mount, expect Beijing to continue highlighting Washington's moral duplicity. China will also support initiatives at the UN to curtail cyber espionage, potentially deepening divides between America and its allies. However, the damage is largely self-wrought. The rocks that were once thrown at China have come back to shatter the glass-house of American integrity.

It would never be sound policy to distance oneself from a long term and close ally at a time of crisis. The current comparative speed of Chinese and Western technological advance raises, however, daunting, but not unrealistic, possibilities. It is now conceivable that the US and other Western powers will not be able to match Chinese advances in cyber technology and security. Certainly, American cyber surveillance, despite its commercial dimensions, has not been outstandingly successful in preserving critical areas of once assumed American technological superiority.

The transformation of Australia's commercial world and security situation is close to, if not already, a fait accompli. At the same time, it is reasonably clear that China does not wish to replicate American mistakes by overburdening itself with hostile engagements in distant parts of the world. It is working towards a peaceful rise and is very disciplined, even highly tolerant, in seeking to achieve this.

The above propositions will not be welcomed by those who hold strongly to the Anglo-American cultural and intellectual mythologies that still profoundly shape Australia and its people. It will, however, become increasingly dangerous for Australians to refuse to recognize and accommodate realities as they emerge. Such recognition and accommodation can be painful, but, in a rapidly changing world, the responsibility cannot be delegated to anyone else.

In China, Huawei already has a potential clientele of 600 million netizens. It also has other large Western markets. Australia will never be a serious factor in its success or failure. Moreover, the Chinese are practiced at being gracious in not allowing Huawei type differences to impact overtly on matters like Free Trade Agreement negotiations or annual Heads of Government exchanges. Nevertheless, any Chinese softness should not allow Australian leaders to neglect the reality that issues related to Chinese technological superiority are already alive in daily policy making. Moreover, China's Very Fast Trains and Computers are reminders of the effort that will be needed in working with China to ensure that Australia does not just settle for yesterday's best and the vulnerability that comes with such backwardness.

The major lesson to be drawn from the above reflections probably relates to the competence, or lack of competence, of Australian advisors in the areas of foreign policy, security and trade. Bluntly put, Australia has little, or no, serious professional competence in these areas when operating in Asia. Professional advancement in Australia has always depended largely on adhering to norms defined in places like London and New York. These have proven themselves uncompetitive in Asia.

As a consequence, successful politicians taking over Ministerial responsibilities will inevitably be introduced to and drawn into yesterday's world. Their new bureaucratic advisers will see no merit in stepping outside the Anglo-American guidelines that have long advanced their own carreers. Moreover, few, if any, will have the language and cultural insights necessary to outline the cultural, educational, technological, geo-political and strategic opportunities and challenges inherent in China's peaceful rise.