Responsibly protecting Syrians

"Instant judgement does not equal instant justice. It merely satisfies other hidden desires: the dark gratification of being able to Saddam-ise yet another political leader, the clamouring for policy objectives that have little to do with the chemical attacks as such, the uncontrollable eagerness to impart wisdom by a fast growing class of blabberati, the need to simplify complex realities for a tweeting global audience, or whatever. Unfortunately, these calls reveal more about the person's ignorance of both the purpose and process of the investigation than the desire to know the truth (and nothing but the truth)."

The sort of evidence sought is more basic than what might be otherwise supposed – and obligates the co-accusers as much as it does Assad. For instance, as recently as June 2013 the noted chemical weapons specialist J. Perry Robinson issued a lengthy advisory opinion, which concluded that:

Whether the many allegations of Syrian poison-gas warfare are or are not true cannot reasonably be judged on the evidence currently in the public domain… [Furthermore] the several governments which have explicitly accused the Syrian regime of using sarin nerve-gas against the rebels seem to be withholding evidence that, if disclosed, might make their charges more believable than they are. The gap in disclosure is not so much intelligence from sensitive sources or methods but is instead straightforward description for scientific audiences of the procedures that have been used for analysing physiological and environmental samples. The second conclusion is that, if the allegations are true, Syria is engaged in a form of chemical warfare whose purpose and therefore methods (small scale, pinpoint targeting, disabling) are at variance with [both historical experience and the scope of the relevant codified norms].

How to responsibly protect Syrians

The problem the world's states and people presently face is of grave seriousness: does the most basic of human duties to do no harm extend also to using force to protect others in harm's way? If it does, then there must first be reliable and verified evidence, a strictly humanitarian (as opposed to political) motive, and a strict adherence to international law. The technical, practical, legal and political obstacles I have briefly outlined above must be navigated, not usurped.

Simply put, to break international law/s in order to preserve an international norm, or to seek retribution, is a wholly insufficient case for a just war.