Although a GATT panel gave a ruling in 1991, Mexico reached a deal with
the US and dropped the case without it being formally adopted by the GATT.
The European Union then brought a separate case, which ensured that the
GATT reached a formal decision in 1994.
In both cases the US argued unsuccessfully that their prohibition was
consistent with GATT exceptions for environmental purposes, but the GATT
ruled that Mexican and US tuna are ‘like products’, regardless of the
level of harm caused to dolphins, and that US import restrictions were
illegal.
A simple change in GATT rules to permit discrimination against goods
produced using unacceptable methods of production, including unsustainable
and polluting processes, would bring about a major improvement in
environmental standards around the world.
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Imposing a floor for environmental and labour standards would make
international trade a tool for improving wellbeing. By contrast, the
existing system puts pressure on governments to reduce their standards in
order for domestic firms to remain ‘competitive’. This gives rise to a
phenomenon known as ‘eco-dumping’.
While environmental costs are as real as any other costs, they are
often not reflected in the market prices of products. (The same can be
said for the ‘costs’ of violations of human rights and exploitative
labour practices.) If these ‘external costs’ are not reflected in
prices, then the country in question is effectively subsidising production
by not imposing adequate environmental standards. By permitting
environmental damage a country can gain an unfair advantage in the
international marketplace.
The acceptance by some countries of environmental damage can therefore
be considered as a form of subsidy, resulting in eco-dumping. At present,
trade rules prevent countries from taking any measures to prevent this
type of dumping. While no one is arguing that all countries should have
the same environmental and workplace standards, those countries that have
decided to adopt higher standards should not be undermined by exports from
those with unacceptably low standards.
This is especially true if transnational corporations go in search of
locations with low standards in order to avoid higher standards elsewhere.
There is a danger of a ‘race to the bottom’ in environmental and
labour standards as a result of which governments come under pressure to
defer the introduction of tighter standards or even water down existing
ones.
Once upon a time, ‘all the fish in the sea’ was meant to imply an
infinitely large number. Now, it is simply seen as an annoying constraint
on the capacity of the world’s fishing fleet. As time and circumstances
change, so too must domestic and international laws.
Advocates of the free market often celebrate the enclosure and
privatisation of the English commons as a turning point for wealth
creation and prosperity. Such a change in laws was no more ‘interventionist’
than what is now required if global capitalism is to deliver benefits to
all.
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Trade can become a powerful tool for raising the production and living
standards of all counties. But this will not happen while those of us in
developed countries continue to turn a blind eye to the fact that many of
our ‘cheap imports’ come at the cost of other people’s health, lives
and environments.
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