Finding a long term solution in the 'Deep South' of Thailand

However the problem here is most Malay-Muslims in the 'Deep South' wish to live their lives where they are, and not engage in the development that the rest of the country is going through. They see their traditional life as their aspirations. Most university graduates return to their villages rather than seek work in Bangkok or one of the other provinces. So this indicates that Malay-Muslims could be assisted in developing economic activities within the region of where they live to assist in raising standards of living.

The Thai authorities have been very successful in assisting rural communities through community programs like the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) program, and this needs to be extended in the south with much more vigor than what it is now. The Malay-Muslims of the mountain regions around Yala and Narathiwat must be assisted in developing their own concepts of self-sustainability. Poverty is still much a major issue here. Community building projects run by the Malay-Muslims, for the Malay-Muslims may be very important here.

But the real change as mentioned will only come from within. There is also a generational context to this situation where the older generation feels resentment and alienation, while the younger generation have a wide diversity of feelings that may not have hardened into the anger of their elders. This brings hopes that a change of consciousness on the part of the younger generation within the 'Deep South' may occur over time. This change may be promoted as more of the younger generation becomes engaged in social media where they may find new visions for their lives and region. There are plenty of precedents for this in other parts of ASEAN and within the MENA. However this is going to take some time, but this will enable a generational change if the Malay-Muslims of the 'Deep South' are going to integrate with the rest of Thai society, as other Muslims in Thailand have.

It looks like negotiations will lead nowhere. Regional autonomy may not be the solution as many academics are suggesting and Prime Minister Yingluck shinawatra said she would consider during her 2011 election campaign. Autonomy may not satisfy all of the fragmented groups in the South and fighting may just continue.

The Thai strategy towards the 'Deep South' must change. Reports indicate that more than USD 7 Billion has been spent on trying to quell this insurgency since its reemergence in 2004. Attacks made by insurgents must be separated from those made by criminals and particularly by those from outside the region. Insurgents have changed their tactics using new equipment that they have been able to acquire and carrying out targeted assassinations on government officials. The numerous police and army checkpoints and roadblocks do very little to put any check on the violence and in some cases make it easier for the insurgents to assassinate any official in a motor vehicle slowing down for the checkpoint. Most of the time the victims of random urban attacks are the Malay-Muslims themselves.

The 'struggle is about living a traditional lifestyle as a 'Malay-Muslim' in Petani, Yala, and Narathiwat. This should not be forgotten. There are many illusions here in the 'Deep South' which require re-evaluation to understand what's is really going on. This may require a major realignment of strategy, focusing on intelligence by the military, rather than any show of force, which may pay off very well. One can never defeat the spirit of the Petani-Malay. This will never happen. It's about enabling integration without the loss of cultural identity, something which Thailand should be able to entertain.